Court of Appeals permanently stops field testing of genetically modified eggplants in the country


Click here for the pdf copy of the CA Decision re: bt talong

In a landmark decision upholding the “precautionary principle,” the Court of Appeals has granted a petition filed by environmental groups and activists to permanently put to a stop nationwide field trials of genetically modified eggplants –popularly known as Bacillus thuringiensis (bt) talong – being conducted by a collaboration among the University of the Philippines in Los Baños and various government and private agencies.

“It is clear that there is no full scientific certainty yet as to the effects of the bt talong field trials to the environment and the health of the people,” said the appellate court’s Special 13th Division, speaking through Associate Justice Isaias P. Dicdican. “Consequently, the field trials of bt talong could not be declared by this Court as safe to human health and to our ecology, with full scientific certainty, being an  alteration of an otherwise natural state of affairs in our ecology.”

Appellate Associate  Justices Myra V. Garcia-Fernandez and Nina G. Antonio-Valenzueala concurred in the decision.

The court said even the bevy of local and foreign experts presented by proponents of the purportedly pest-resistant eggplants are all agreed that aside from the fact that there are no laws regulating the field testing of genetically-modified plants, their safety cannot fully be guaranteed. For this reason, the court said “This is where the precautionary principle sets in which states that, when human activities may led to threats of serious and irreversible damage to the environment that is scientifically plausible but uncertain, actions shall be taken to avoid or diminish the threat.”

The petitioners, led by the well-known environmental group Greenpeace and Masipag – the latter an organization of farmers and scientists for sustainable agriculture – earlier brought the suit  in April 26  last year before the Supreme Court under the High Court’s new environmental protection procedures. The petitioners were represented in the suit by lawyers from the Roque and Butuyan Law Offices, led by Prof. Harry L. Roque Jr. and Roger R. Rayel.

Named as respondents were  the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, the Department of Agriculture, University of the Philippines (UP) Los Baños Foundation Inc., UP Mindanao Foundation Inc. and International Service for the Acquisition of Agri-biotech Applications. Greenpeace and Masipag were joined in the petition by activists and key figures in the academe and politics, among them Rep. Teddy Casiño, Puerto Princesa Mayor Edward Hagedorn, folk singer Noel Cabangon and scientist Dr. Ben Malayang III.

The Supreme Court issued the Writ of Kalikasan on May 2, 2012, directing the respondents to answer the petition. It subsequently remanded the petition to the Court of Appeals for hearings on the scientific and factual questions involved.

At the time of the filing of the suit, field testing of genetically modified eggplant had already been done in Pangasinan, Laguna and Camarines Sur while others were still being conducted in Kabacan, North Cotabato.

The petition argued that the field trials violated the constitutional right of the people to a balanced and healthful ecology because of the danger of contamination the technology posed to indigenous genetic resources of the country. But experts presented by the respondents, including some of the country’s top scientists at the University of the Philippines in Los Baños, claimed  the bt talong technology is safe and does not cause harm to the environment.

However, on questioning by the court, they admitted that the over-all safety of the bt talong remains to be unknown. Too, the court found that other than administrative issuances, there is no law that regulates field testing of  GMOs in the country.

Because of this, the court ruled to permanently stop all field testing of bt talong in the country and directed the respondents to rehabilitate the areas where the testing had already been completed.

“ The bt talong involve the willful and deliberate alternation of the genetic traits of a living element of the ecosystem and the relationship of living organisms that depend on each other for survival,” said the appellate court in its 24-page judgment. “Consequently, the field trials of bt talong could not be declared by this Court as safe to human health and to our ecology, with full scientific certainty, it being an alteration of an otherwise natural state of affairs in our ecology.”

The right to vote and the UN Human Rights Committee


The right to vote and the UN Human Rights Committee.

Atty Jason B. De Guzman RIP


ImageMy very first hijado, Atty Jason B. De Guzman, also my student and my Research Associate at the Institute of International Studies, passed away today. He was 29. He is survived by his parents, Boy Bolo and Blanche Baquirin, his sister Megan, Grandparents, uncles and aunts, cousins and his girlfriend, Chesca.He appeared to have suffered a massive cardiac arrest.

Friends, classmates and relatives can see him at Chapel 2, Loyola Paranaque. The family will announce plans for his cremations later.

I saw Jason regularly since I returned from college in the US in 1986. He was two then, I was there in every milestone of his life . I vowed that since he was my first ever inaanak, that I will be true to my duties as a second father to him. I pray that I succeeded in this regard.

Jason is a product of UP Law class 2009. At the the time of his demise, he was an associate at The Firm. I have long wanted for him to join my own firm so he can eventually run it together with my daughter. I guess this will no longer happen.

I hugged my kids when I first heard the news that he suffered a heart attack. Nothing could be more painful than for parents to survive their child. Our prayers go to particularly to his parents.

Published in: on May 19, 2013 at 5:01 pm  Comments (4)  

Lessons Learned from the Taiwan Shooting Incident (For Immediate Release)


Ref. Prof. H. Harry L. Roque, Jr. 09175398096

Chair, Center for International Law

The recent shooting by the Philippine Coast guard of a lone Taiwanese fisherman illustrates the kind of governmental response that we Filipinos deserve when we ourselves  fall victims to an internationally wrongful act. Under international law, there is state responsibility for an internationally wrongful act where there is a breach of international law and when the breach is attributable to the state. Here, it appears that because the killing was because of a shot fired by a state organ, a member of the Philippine Coast Guard,  that the killing may be attributed to the Philippines government. Acts of state organs, no matter how lowly their ranks, and even if they are ultra vires, are always attributed to a state.

Furthermore, there too appears to be a breach of international law since the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea prohibits the use of unnecessary use of force in dealing with illegal fishermen. In fact, the UNCLOS provides that  fishermen caught illegally fishing in a states exclusive economic zone should not even be detained or charged criminally The only leeway granted  to a party state is to apprehend the vessel which, in turn,  must be immediately  release upon posting of bond.

The lesson learned is how our own government should espouse the claim of  its national, even if there is only one solitary victim. Not only did the highest echelon of the Taiwanese government demand for an apology, it also demanded compensation and even threatened the Philippines with both military and economic reprisals, even if both are prohibited by  international  law. This is in stark contrast  with the current practice of the Philippine government. Only recently, 200 of our nationals became sitting ducks to  Malaysia’s illegal resort to excessive force.  Our response was to threaten our nationals with domestic prosecution.

Because we committed an internationally wrongful act, we have the obligation under international law to apologize and provide compensation to the victim. This though is the full extent of our liability. Taiwan’s demand that in addition, we enter into a fishing agreement with it is bereft of legal merit. Taiwan is not an independent state and should not expect to be treated as such. Any fishing agreement involving overlapping areas of our exclusive economic zone should be with the People Republic of China. This is  consistent with the international communities’ recognition of the so-called one-China policy; that is, Taiwan forms part of the People’s Republic of China and is not a republic on its own.

This latest experience should also teach our policy makers to act with dispatch where it is our government that incurs international responsibility. Since the shooting was at the behest of a state organ, the Philippine Coast Guard, the investigation should not have lasted as long as it did. It only entails requiring the Master of the coast guard vessel to report what transpired that led to the shooting. Absent evidence that it was in self-defense, the Philippines should have apologized with dispatch and should not have waited for any formal demand to do so. Our failure to act with dispatch consistent with our  international obligation gave  Taiwan the opportunity to exploit the incident to promote its own interest.

‘Da King’ lives!


‘Da King’ lives!.

Philippines should Protest Statement of Japanese Mayor that Comfort System was necessary (For Immediate release)


ref: Prof. H. Harry L. Roque, Jr

+639175398096

The Philippine government should formally lodge a diplomatic protest with the Japanese government against the statement by Osaka Mayor Tori Hashimoto  that  the so-called “comfort women” of WWII served a “necessary” role by keeping troops in check. According to this obviously insane Mayor, “ soldiers living with the daily threat of death needed some way to let off steam which was provided by the comfort women system”. There are at least 200,000 women who were made to serve in these comfort stations in Korea, China and the Philippines.

The statement is crass, obscene, and is an attempt to justify a criminal act under international law. Specifically, rape and all forms of degrading and humiliating treatment committed in the context of an armed conflict -have always been illegal under oith customary international law and under the Geneva Conventions. Moreover, since it was publicly made by an elected agent of the Japanese state, the statement is an official pronouncement of the state Japan nonetheless, pursuant to the Articles of State responsibility. These articles, codified in the form of a UN general Assembly resolution, provides that all acts and /or statements by state organs may give rise to attribution to the state

Instead of justifying this war crimes, the Japanese government publicly apologize for this systematic criminal act and pay reparations to their victims.

We are in the process of studying further legal options against the Mayor of Osaka and the Japanese government for this criminal statement.

Disclosure:  As Chair of the Center for International Law (Centerlaw), I  represent the  Malaya lolas, a group of women who were raped systematically during World War II in their hometown of Candaba, Pampanga.

Gus Lagman: error in PPCRV count may either be because transmitted Smartmatic figures are wrong OR PPCRV’s consolidation program is wrong


Former COMELEC Commissioner and IT expert Gus Lagman has opined that the inconsistency  in PPCRV’s may either be  because transmitted Smartmatic figures are wrong OR PPCRV’s consolidation program is wrong.

 

Be that as it may, the Concerned Citizens Movement finds this error unacceptable. It has the potential of creating havoc in this electoral exercise. Certainly, it can cast doubt on the integrity of the electoral exercise.

 

Further CCM deplores the many PCOS machines that malfunctioned today. The Filipino people did nit pay the Venezuelans billions for machines that would conk out on election day.

 

We appeal to COME:LEC to junk the PCOS for the 2016 elections

Published in: on May 13, 2013 at 1:21 pm  Leave a Comment  
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Former Health Secretaries Cabral, Romualdez and Galvez-Tan filed an intervention and opposition to petitions versus the Reproductive Health law at the SC (Text of Motion and Petition may be found here)


Former Department of Health (DOH) Secretaries Dr. Esperanza I. Cabral, Dr. Jamie Galvez-Tan, and Dr. Alberto G. Romualdez, Jr. filed  an intervention and opposition to petitions versus the Reproductive Health law at the Supreme Court today, May 10, 2013.

Center for International Law (Centerlaw) and UP Prof. Elizabeth A. Pangalangan are the legal counsel of the former health secretaries.

Please click the following links to view the motions:

Motion for Intervention (RH)

Opposition-In-InterventionRHLAW

Former Secretaries of Health to Intervene and Oppose Petitions Against RH Law (Request for Coverage)


Former Health Secretaries Cabral, Romualdez and Galvez Tan to file intervention and opposition to petitions versus the Reroductive Health law at the Supreme Court today, May 10, 2013 at 1030 am. I will be standing as their counsel with Prof Beth Pangalangan , Romel Bagares, GP Gonzales and Ethel Avisado.

Published in: on May 9, 2013 at 11:55 pm  Leave a Comment  
Tags: , , , , , ,

Statement on the “arrival” of the PCOS Source Code


The civil society groups that filed the UN communications against the use of the PCOS slammed the alleged “arrival” of the source code days before the May 13 polls.

“It’s just too late,” said Professor Harry L. Roque, Jr., counsel for the group.

Roque added, “The Law requires examination of the source code not just presentation. The belated arrival of the source code is useless in safeguarding the sanctity of the ballot. The examination of the source code is a process that will take at least six months.”

The failure of the COMELEC to have the source code examined for both the 2010 and 2013 elections will surely bolster the claim of the petitioners before the UN Human Rights Committee to have a declaration that their rights under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) have been violated by the COMELEC and Smartmatic.

Philippines Sued Anew in UN


Philppines Sued Anew in UN

Text of Concerned Citizens Movement, Centerlaw & AES Watch Communication to the UN Committe on Human Rights vs PCOS


Text of Concerned Citizens Movement, Centerlaw & AES Watch Communication to the UN Committe on Human Rights vs PCOS

Concerned Citizens to Sue Government in UN for PCOS (Request for Coverage)


The Concerned Citizens Movement, a staunchly anti-PGMA group, together with AES-Watch, the genuine election watchdog, will sue the Philippine government before the UN Human Rights Committee for the defective PCOS which they say violates Art. 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 

 

Art 25 of the ICCR provides : 

Article 25: Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in Article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions:
(a) To take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives;
(b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secretballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors;

 

CCM was the first group to question Smartmatic’s PCOS for being unconstitutional. It alleged that the paper based counting system violates the right of the people to ensure that their votes are correctly recorded by the PCOS machines. The Supreme Court dismissed the Petition ruling that because the law requires the examination of the source code and provides for additional security measures such as electronic signatures and random audit, the possibiiity of error is remote.

 

The source code, has, however never been examined and the electronic signatures have been provided by Smartmatic and not by members of the BEI.

 

The filing will be held tomorrow, May 3, 2013 at Sarmiento Room, First Floor, Malcolm Hall, UP College of Law, Diliman, Quezon City

The Judges of the Nine-Dash lines


The arbitration initiated by the Philippines against China impugning
the validity of China’s nine-dash lines appear to be on track. Last
week, pursuant to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the
Japanese President of the international tribunal on the Law of the Sea
(ITLOS) completed the five man tribunal that will rule on the
Philippines arbitral claims. Initially, the Philippines appointed its
nominee to the panel, the German Judge at the ITLOS, Professor Rudiger
Wolfrum. Later, the ITLOS president appointed a polish academic to be
act as China’s arbitrator to the panel, Mr. Stanislaw Pawlak. Last
week, the three remaining arbitrators were appointed: Mr. Jean-Pierre
Cot of France, Mr. Chris Pinto of Sri Lanka, and Mr. Alfred Soons of
the Netherlands.

A jurist once remarked that “the law is what the Judges say it is”.
This means that while the Philippines has claimed thattChina’s
nine-dash lines is contrary to the UNCLOS, the 5 man tribunal will be
the sole judge of whether this is in fact the case. Before they can
decide the issue on the merits, they have first to rule whether the
Philippines submissions are covered by the compulsory and binding
dispute procedure under UNCLOS; that is, that it involves issues
relating to “application and interpretation” of the Convention; and
that the issues are not covered by any of China’s reservations, to
wit: disputes involving maritime delimitation; military activities,
including military activities by government vessels and aircraft
engaged in noncommercial service; and disputes concerning law
enforcement activities in regard to the exercise of sovereign rights
or jurisdiction.

Since this five man tribunal will rule on whether China can treat the
South China Sea as its lake,a lot hinges on who these appointed
arbitrators are, Fortunately, in an effort perhaps to convince China
that the Tribunal will arrive at the correct decision, the ITLOS
President, despite the pending maritime disputes existing between his
own state of Japan and China, appointed perhaps the most qualified
arbitrators to rule on the issues of both jurisdiction and the merits.

Here is a short summary of who these arbitrators are:

Mr. Chris Pinto- member of the Sri Lanka bar and Barrister at the
Inner temple, London. Graduate of University of Sri Lanka
(Peradeniya), LL.B; and University of Cambridge: LL.M (International
Law). Honorary Ll. D from University of Colombo (Sri Lanka). Former
.Legal Officer, International Atomic Energy Agency, Vienna.
(1960-1963); Attorney, World Bank, Washington, D.C. (1963-1967)The
Legal Adviser, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sri Lanka.
(1967-1977)Member, Sri Lanka Delegation to the U.N. Conference on the
Law of Treaties, Vienna. (1968-1969)Ambassador of Sri Lanka to Germany
and Austria. (1977-1982)Member and Chairman, U.N. International Law
Commission, Geneva.(1973-1982) ;Member (later Chairman), Sri Lankan
Delegation, Third U.N. Conference on the Law of the Sea. (1973-1982)
Secretary-General, Iran-United States Claims Tribunal, The Hague.
(1982 to present) Secretary-General, Iran-United States Claims
Tribunal.
Member (Sri Lanka), Permanent Court of Arbitration, The
Hague.Alternate Member (Sri Lanka), International Court of Arbitration
of the International Chamber of Commerce, Paris.Sole arbitrator in
dispute between Singapore firm and Sri Lanka State Timber Corporation
(Permanent Court of Arbitration);President of Five Member Tribunal in
marine environmental dispute Between Malaysia and Singapore. (Under
Annex VII of the UNCLOS). Source: Source:

http://www.sccietac.org/custom/sccietac/arbiterDetail.jsp?id=1921

Judge Jean-Pierre Cot

Member of the Tribunal (ITLOS) since 1 October 2002; re-elected as
from 1 October 2011; President of the Chamber for Marine Environment
Disputes 2008-2011. Licence en droit, Docteur en droit public, Paris
Law Faculty (1955–1965); Agrégé des facultés de droit et des sciences
économiques (1966). Professor of public and international law and
Dean, University of Amiens (1966–1969); Professor of public and
international law, University of Paris-I (Panthéon-Sorbonne)
(1969–1998); Emeritus Professor, University of Paris-I (1999–present);
Associate Research Fellow, Université Libre de Bruxelles
(1999–present); Counsel and Advocate in a number of cases before the
International Court of Justice: Frontier Dispute (Burkina
Faso/Republic of Mali), Territorial Dispute (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Chad), Kasikili/Sedudu Islands (Botswana/Namibia), Armed
activities on the territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the
Congo v. Burundi), Land and Maritime Boundary between Cameroon and
Nigeria (Cameroon v. Nigeria), Sovereignty over Pulau Litigan and
Pulau Sipadan (Indonesia/Malaysia); Member of an arbitral tribunal of
the International Chamber of Commerce; Counsel and advocate, arbitral
tribunal, France/UNESCO; President of an arbitral tribunal established
within the framework of the European Development Fund; Judge ad hoc,
International Court of Justice, Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea
(Romania v. Ukraine),Aerial Herbicide Spraying (Ecuador v. Colombia),
Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia) and Temple of
Preah Vihear, Interpretation (Cambodia v. Thailand).

.

Source: http://www.itlos.org/index.php?id=83

MR.ALFRED H.A.SOONS, Studied law at Utrecht University, The
Netherlands, followed by postgraduate studies in international law at
the University of Washington (Seattle, USA) and Cambridge University
(UK). He obtained a PhD-degree at Utrecht University in 1982.
Professor of public international law and director of the Netherlands
Institute for the Law of the Sea (NILOS) at Utrecht University in
1987. Acted as counsel and arbitrator he has been involved in
international litigation at the International Court of Justice and
arbitral tribunals.

Source: http://untreaty.un.org/cod/avl/pdf/ls/Soons_bio.pdf

Judge Stanislaw Pawlak

Member of the Tribunal since 1 October 2005. Born: Kalisz, Poland, 27
September 1933; Education: Master of Law, University of Warsaw (1955);
Doctor of Law, University of Warsaw (1967); Doctor habilitated of
Political Science, University of Warsaw (1973). Professional
Experience: Legal Adviser and Analytic Officer, Polish delegation to
the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission in Panmunjon, Korea
(1956–1958); Attaché and Second Secretary, Polish Embassy, Tokyo
(1958–1963); Senior Counsellor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(1963–1965, 1970–1972); Deputy Chief, Polish delegation to the
International Control Commission, Saigon, Viet Nam (1965–1966); First
Secretary, Polish Embassy to the United States of America (1967–1970);
Deputy Director, Foreign Minister’s Office (1973–1975); Polish
Representative to the UN General Assembly (1973–1978, 1983–1990,
2002–2005); Associate Professor of International Relations and
International Law, Faculty of Journalism and Political Science,
University of Warsaw (1974–2001); Director, Department of
International Organizations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1975–1978);
Ambassador, Canada (1978–1983); Director, Legal and Treaty Department,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1983–1986); Head of Polish delegation,
talks with the GDR delegation on the Agreement of 22 May 1989 on
delimitation of the maritime boundary with the GDR (1983–1988); Head
of Polish delegation, talks with the USSR delegation on the
delimitation of the Polish-Soviet sea border (1985); Chairman, Polish
delegation to the Vienna diplomatic conference which drew up the draft
Convention on the law of treaties between States and international
organizations and between international organizations (1986);
Director, International Organizations Department, Ministry of Foreign
Affairs (1986–1989); Ambassador and Permanent Representative of
Poland, UN, New York (1989–1991); Visiting Professor, various
universities in the United States and Syria (1990–2001); Chairman,
group of Polish experts, talks with the delegation of experts of the
Russian Federation and delegations of experts of other interested
States on protection and conservation of marine resources of the Sea
of Okhotsk (1992–1995); Delegate of Poland to the Steering Committee
for Human Rights (CDDH), Council of Europe (1992–1995);
Deputy-Director, Legal and Treaty Department, Ministry of Foreign
Affairs (1992–1996); Chairman, Polish Delegation to the International
Conference which drew up the 1994 Convention on Protection of
Fisheries in the Bering Sea (1993–1994); Chairman, Polish Delegation
to the UN Conference for the Agreement on Straddling Fish Stocks and
Highly Migratory Stocks (1993–1995); Ambassador, Syrian Arab Republic
and Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan (1996–2001); Adviser to the President
of the Republic of Poland (2001–2005); Titular Ambassador
(2002–present); Professor of International Relations and Public
International Law, Faculty of Journalism and Political Science,
University of Warsaw (2002–2011); Professor Emeritus, University of
Warsaw; President, thirteenth Meeting of States Parties to the
Convention (2003); Chairman, Polish delegations to the thirteenth and
fourteenth Meetings of States Parties to the Convention (2003–2004);
nominated to the List of Arbitrators under article 2 of annexes V and
VII to the Convention (2004); Professor and Dean, Faculty of Social
Science and Administration, Warsaw Academy of Computer Science and
Administration (2005–present).

Source: http://www.itlos.org/index.php?id=86

Judge Rüdiger Wolfrum

Member of the Tribunal since 1 October 1996; re-elected as from 1
October 1999 and 1 October 2008; Vice-President of the Tribunal
1996-1999; President of the Chamber for Marine Environment Disputes
1997-1999; President of the Tribunal 2005-2008; Member of the Special
Chamber formed to deal with the Case concerning the Conservation and
Sustainable Exploitation of Swordfish Stocks in the South-Eastern
Pacific Ocean 2000-2009

Education: First State Examination (1969); Second State Examination
(1973); Dr. jur., University of Bonn (1973); Habilitation, venia
legendi for National Public and International Public Law (1980).

Professional Experience: Assistant Professor, Institute of
International Law, University of Bonn (1973–1982); Research fellow,
Center for Oceans Law and Policy, University of Virginia (1977–1978);
Professor of National Public and International Public Law, University
of Mainz (1982); Professor, Chair of National Public and International
Public Law and Director, Institute of International Law, University of
Kiel (1982–1993); Vice-Rector, University of Kiel (1990–1993); Judge
at the Courts of Appeal for Administrative Matters, Lüneburg and
Schleswig (1986–1993); Director, Max Planck Institute for Comparative
Public Law and International Law, Heidelberg (1993–present);
Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Heidelberg (1993–present);
Vice-President, German Research Foundation (1996–2002); Honorary
Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Hamburg (2002–present);
Vice-President, Max Planck Society for the Advancement of Science
(2002–2005); Honorary Professor, Faculty of Law, University of
Pretoria; Member, Board of the Max Planck Foundation on International
Peace and Rule of Law (2012).

German delegation to: Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea
(1980–1982), Preparatory Commission for the International Seabed
Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea
(1982), 4th Special Consultative Meeting concerning Antarctic mineral
resource activities (1983–1988); Chairman of the Legal Working Group
of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meetings preparing an Annex to
the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty on
responsibility for environmental damage (1993–1998); UN Committee on
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (1990–2000, re-elected 1994
and 1998); Founding Member of the Humanities Section of the German
Academy of Natural Sciences (Leopoldina) (2003); Board of Trustees of
the University of Hamburg (2003–present); Chairman, Board of
theDeutsche Gesellschaft für Völkerrecht (German Society for
International Law) (2005–2009); Institut de droit international
(2007–present).

Source: http://www.itlos.org/index.php?id=80

Lessons from Boston


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Lessons from Boston.

Copadoccia, Turkey—I was in Boston with my family just two weeks ago. I thought it was important for my two children to visit the city and appreciate its anti-colonial heritage. The US was not always its own state. It too had to struggle for its independence, much in the same way that we did against the Spaniards and ironically, against them.

Like many tourists, we did the freedom trail, so-called because it allows visitors to visit historical landmarks of the American Revolution. This includes the house of Paul Revere who warned the

American militias of the upcoming invasion of the British, as well as Faneuil Hall, which was literally a meeting place where speakers like Samuel Adams and James Otis advocated freedom from Great Britain. It also includes a recreated colonial vessel where the tea party is reenacted to remind the American youth of today of the trigger that established an independent American state.

While it was unfortunate that after triggering a liberal tradition that is today acknowledged as the non-derogable right to self-determination— a people’s right to choose their political status which includes the right to be independent —the American people would later be colonials themselves albeit over only colony, the Philippines. But this sad fact notwithstanding, Boston’s contribution

to modern-day democracy cannot be denied. It also includes a written constitution, which guarantees rights of every human being as being inalienable.

This must have been why the deranged madmen behind the bombings at the Boston marathon targeted the city. Their goal was not only to inflict panic in the mind of the general public but also to send the grim message that America’s cradle of democracy is under attack.

It is gratifying though that on my last day in the United States, the general impression was that Boston was not a city to be cowed. After the dead have been mourned and after the sick have been attended to, the city seems to be up and about eagerly picking up the pieces. The message that the brave survivors of this terroristic attack were sending the world was that while they were terrified, they will rise again. And that appears to be what they have done.

Terrorism, of course, be it in Boston, in Syria, or in Palestine should be condemned in the strongest manner possible. Even in times of war, civilians are accorded protection precisely because the civilian populations ought to be spared from the adverse consequences of all kinds of warfare. This is why any act that tends to spread fear or panic in the mind of the public is condemned, much in the same way that targeting civilians is made criminal in times of armed conflict.

Human beings possess rights that are inalienable. Parts of these are the non-derogable right to life and the right to personal security. Both war crimes and terroristic acts infringe on and violate these rights.

Be that as it may, there are important lessons to be learned from the Boston bombings. Primary among these is the importance of a police force that can actually investigate acts of terrorism and apprehend their suspected perpetrators. It did not take long for the Boston police to process forensics evidence, identity the suspects and actually apprehend them. In the Philippines, our police agents’, until very recently, are told to identify first the suspects before processing the evidence. And while in Boston, it was physical evidence that proved effective in identifying the perpetrators of the crime; in our country, the police, either because of lack of capacity or downright laziness, will rely almost wholly on testimonial evidence. The problem with this approach is that testimonial evidence is either cheap, or may be the result of police short-cuts, such as torture.

How we envy the people of Boston. In less than a week, the perpetrators of the bombings were identified and apprehended, although one of them was killed in the process. In the Philippines, a student of mine, who is now a lawyer, is still awaiting for someone to be charged for the brutal murder of her father, a UP graduate editor and publisher of a local paper in Pagadian City. Her late father and her mother, also murdered some nine years after her father, will both be unable to attend her oath-taking as a lawyer. Likewise, the family of Navy Ensign Philip Pestano is still awaiting action form the Department of Justice in connection with the murder of their son.

Likewise, the Barrameda and the Ortega families can only dream of justice for the death of their loved ones. And let’s not even talk about the victims of the Maguindanao massacre, many of whom have already sunk into despair.

So the lesson is clear: terrorism and lawlessness can strike anywhere. But in civilized societies, the pillars of the criminal justice system: the police, the prosecutors, the courts, and the community-

will ensure that lawless elements will be investigated, prosecuted and punished for their acts.

I wonder when we will finally have a civilized Philippine society.

To bomb or not to bomb


To bomb or not to bomb.

‘Comfort women’ continue to fight for rights | ABS-CBN News


This clip was aired during the April 14, 2013 TV Patrol Weekend news. The news team of Pinky Webb went to Mapanique, Candaba, Pampanga to talk to the Malaya Lolas.

The Center for International Law (Centerlaw) filed the manifestation with motion to admit at the Supreme Court in behalf of the Malaya Lolas. Centerlaw is the pro bono legal counsel of the lolas.

(View clip here) ‘Comfort women’ continue to fight for rights | ABS-CBN News.

Tubbataha groundings and the folly of the Baselines Law


Tubbataha groundings and the folly of the Baselines Law.

Its Singapore Management U vs. National U of Bangolore for Finals at Jessup cup


Two Asian teams from Singapore and India are the top finalists in the on-going Jessup Cup in Washington DC. The two team bested 116 other national and regional champions that competed in Washington DC. More than 600 teams from 80 countries competed in this year’s Jessup cup worldwide, making it the largest Jessup competition thus far. Aside from the two Asian teams facing each  other in the finals, three other Asian teams made it to the advanced rounds of the competition: Team Philippines from UP, Indonesia, and Cambodia.

The other teams who finished as semi-fonalists are Columbia University and Argentina.

The final round will be held tomorrow, Saturday at 2 PM est

Published in: on April 5, 2013 at 10:19 pm  Leave a Comment  
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Team Philippines Yields to Jamaica.


Team Philippines      yields to Jamaica in the Run-Off rounds of the Jessup Cup. Both teams were superb!

 

Team Philippines Advances to Run-Off vs Jamaica


Team Philippines with 3 wins and 1 loss in the preliminary rounds advanced to the Run-Off in the on-going Phillip Jessup Moot Court Competition in Washington DC. The match will take place today, April 4, 2013 at 9AM EST. They will face the team from Jamaica.

The UP Law contingent will be  Applicant int he first of the advance rounds. It will have Peterson Poon and Ana Margarita Rodriguez as speakers, and  Crisela Bernardino as Of counsel.

Team Philippines loss in the preliminary rounds was to the No. 1 team in the preliminary rounds, University of New South Wales of Australia,

All teams who qualified in the advance rounds are back to zero.  If team Philippines beats Jamaica, it will move on to the Octafinals round to be held in the afternoon of April 4,

Published in: on April 4, 2013 at 4:58 am  Comments (1)  
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Team Philippines Faced US Team


Team Philippines faced its first American opponent from the Loyola Law School, 2nd placer in the Midwest regional rounds. This was the third of four mandatory preliminary rounds for the Team. While no winners are declared in these rounds, the performance of Team Philippines was clearly superior to its opponent.

Team Philippines which argued the applicant side consisted of Peterson Poon, Ana Margarita Rodruguez, and Crisela Bernardino.

Team Philippines will have its last preliminary round at 11AM EST. The 36 teams that will advance into the advanced rounds will be announced at 10PM EST. Team Philippines must win its final preliminary round to be assured of advancing.

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Published in: on April 3, 2013 at 12:46 pm  Leave a Comment  

27 Filipinos Petition UN vs. Massive Human Rights Abuses in Sabah


 
Last Monday afternoon, 27 concerned Filipino citizens, who are part of civil society organizations (CSO), filed separate communications before two United Nations agencies. A ‘communication’ is a petition before an international body. They urged these two UN agencies to investigate the massive and gross human rights abuses committed on Filipinos in Sabah by Malaysian state agents. The first communication was filed before the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Navanethem Pillay. The second communication was filed before the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Mr. António Guterres.
            The petitioners asked the two UN agencies to (a) urgently intervene and investigate the massive and gross human rights violations committed by Malaysian state agents against Filipinos in Sabah, (b) to express grave concern on the massive and gross human rights violations committed by Malaysia against Filipinos in Sabah, and (c) to remind Malaysia that it provide effective remedies and compensation to the Filipino victims of the massive and gross human rights violations committed against them in Sabah by Malaysian state agents.
These communications were signed by, among others, human rights lawyer Harry Roque, activist nun Sr. Mary John Mananzan, whistleblower Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada, journalists Vergel Santos and Ellen Tordesillas, and political strategist Pastor “Boy” Saycon.
According to lawyer Harry Roque, “Fortunately, CSO’s will move to protect and promote the human rights of Filipinos in Sabah especially when our government has failed in this regard. Human right, after all, has ceased to be a purely domestic issue and is now a concern for the international community.”
One case of human rights abuse cited in the communications was that narrated by Amira Taradji, whose brother was killed in a “zoning operation” by Malaysian police in a Filipino community in Sandakan, Sabah. The communications also cited the narration of Carla Manlaw, Ibrahim Alih, Sherilyn Viado, and Annang Im.

Centerlaw Submits Korean Supreme Court Decision on Comfort Women to Philippine Supreme Court


The Center for International Law (Centerlaw) asked the Supreme Court today to consider an August 30, 2011 decision by the Constitutional Court of Korea on the issue of Korean Comfort Women in resolving the controversial case of Filipino Comfort Women –otherwise known as the Malaya Lolas case – still pending before it.The Korean case arose from a suit filed by Korean Comfort Women before the South Korean Constitutional Court against their own Minister of Foreign Affairs. In their suit, they questioned the refusal of the government to settle the issue of whether or not there is still liability on the part of the government of Japan for the atrocities committed by its soldiers during World War II against them. The Korean Court granted the Petition of the Comfort Women and ordered that its government settle the issue with the government of Japan.

In its decision, the Korean Court stated that blocking the payment of claims is directly related to the “infringement of fundamental dignity and value of human beings”. It further found that possibility of strained relations and problems with diplomatic ties is no excuse as it will be more constructive for both Korea-Japan diplomatic ties and Korea’s national interest to call on the Japanese government to take on its legal responsibility toward the victims.

It would be remembered that on April 28, 2010, the Philippine Supreme Court rendered judgment on the petition before it asking the Court to compel the Philippine government to espouse the claim of Filipina Comfort Women against the government of Japan ( Vinuya v. The Hon. Executive Secretary, G.R. No. 162230, April 28, 2010).

The suit stemmed from a petition filed in 2004 by 70 members of the Malaya Lolas Organization (Malaya Lolas), who survived the Mapanique, Tarlac siege by the Japanese Imperial Army. In their petition, they charged that were victims of systematic rape and sexual slavery committed by the Japanese, and asked the High Court to compel the government to espouse their claims against Japan.

The Philippine Supreme Court’s decision sparked a massive controversy when significant portions of it were discovered to have been lifted from various sources without proper attribution. In addition to the plagiarism – which is a word for word lifting of pages from the three articles without the proper attribution – it appears that these stolen passages were also twisted to support the court’s erroneous conclusion that the Filipina comfort women of World War Two have no further legal remedies.

All three plagiarized articles by foreign authors –an article published in 2009 in the Yale Law Journal of International Law, a book published by the Cambridge University Press in 2005, and, an article published in 2006 in the Western Reserve Journal of International Law – argue otherwise.

A Motion for Reconsideration and a Supplemental Motion for Reconsideration subsequently filed by the Center on behalf of the Malaya Lolas highlighting the alleged plagiarism and twisting of sources are pending with the Court. The Malaya Lolas, in their Supplemental Motion for Reconsideration said the High Court’s ruling, penned by Justice Mariano Del Castillo, “made it appear that these sources support the assailed judgment’s arguments for dismissing instant petition when, in truth, the plagiarized sources even make a strong case for the petition’s claims.”

Lawyer Romel Bagares, one of the petitioner’s counsels, explained why the Petitioners seek to have the Korean case admitted into the records of the Philippine case:

“Unlike our own Supreme Court, the Korean Court saw that its government’s refusal to settle the issue of liability with regard to the case of the Comfort Women was a violation of its Constitution and violated the Constitutional rights of its Comfort Women. Sadly, our own Supreme Court did not see it the same way in its 2010 decision. We are hoping that the Korean decision will provide necessary guidance to our own Supreme Court and they find wisdom in the reasoning of the Korean Court.”

An ethics investigation called by then Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona cleared Justice Del Castillo of wrongdoing. The Committee’s exoneration of Del Castillo was later used as one of the grounds for a petition filed with Congress to impeach the Chief Justice. Del Castillo himself was found liable for impeachment by the House Committee on Justice but for lack of time, the case against him could not proceed.

The Supreme Court also sanctioned 37 professors of the UP College of Law after the latter issued an open letter criticizing the High Court for the alleged plagiarism and twisting it committed in the Vinuya case.

Team Philippines Faced University of New South Wales of Australia in the second of its preliminary rounds in DC


Team Philippines faced off this afternoon with an Australian team from the University of New South Wales. In a match described by the Judges as a very “exciting match”, the UP Law team argued as Respondents in the on-going Phillip Jessup Moot Court competition in Washington DC. While no winners are publicly announced in the preliminary rounds, the match  against Australia was seen  to be a very close match with many finding it difficult to declare which team emerged as the victor . UP has two further preliminary rounds, one ech on Tuesday and Wednesday. A total of 36 teams from the 108 teams competing will progress to the advance rounds beginning Friday.

The UP Law team was composed of Arriane Ferrer, Maria Margarita Lim, and Peterson Poon.

Published in: on April 2, 2013 at 2:43 am  Leave a Comment  
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Communication to the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights


Ms. Navanethem Pillay

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
OHCHR- Palais Wilson
United Nations Office at Geneva
CH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland

 

 

Manila, 21 March 2013

 

 

Urgent appeal in relation to the massive and gross human rights violations committed against Filipinos in Sabah by Malaysian state agents

 

 

Dear Ms. Pillay,

 

We respectfully submit that you consider this urgent appeal in relation to the massive and gross human rights violations committed against Filipinos in Sabah by Malaysian state agents. We request that you urgently intervene so that Malaysia will respect the human rights of the Filipinos in Sabah, recognized under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

 

 

I.             Background of the gross human rights violation against Filipinos in Sabah

 

1)             On 14 February 2013, suspected Filipino gunmen numbering between 80 to 100 were cornered in the Malaysian state of Sabah on Borneo island triggering the start of the Sabah standoff.[1]

2)             On 15 February 2013, the unidentified group of men introduced itself as the Royal Sulu Army reviving the longstanding claim of Sabah by the Sultanate of Sulu.[2]

3)             On 16 February 2013, Philippine Defense Secretary Voltaire Gazmin, stated that the renewed claim on Sabah by the Royal Sulu Army is not sanctioned by the Philippine government.[3]

 

4)             On 20 February 2013, Malaysian Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein said that Malaysian security forces are in control of the Sabah standoff and warned the Sulu Royal Army of the consequences if they refuse to surrender.[4]

 

5)             On 23 February 2013 (Saturday), Malaysia adopts a “wait-and-see” approach against the Royal Sulu Army which holed up in Sabah.[5]

 

6)             On 23 February 2013, the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) informed Malaysia that a ship on humanitarian mission, carrying social workers and personnel, would be dispatched to Lahad Datu to “fetch and ferry back the women and other civilians among the 180-member group who are holed out in Lahad Datu.”[6] According to Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert F. del Rosario “We sent the ship to Lahad Datu on a humanitarian mission. We are deeply concerned about the presence of five women and other civilians in the group, and we urge them to board the ship without delay and return home.”[7]

 

7)             On 01 March 2013, violence erupted on the 17th day of the Sabah standoff with a shoot-out after Malaysian security forces attempted to tighten a cordon around the Royal Sulu Army.[8] Twelve Filipinos and two Malaysian police officers were reportedly killed during the exchange of gunfire.[9] On the other hand, 10 followers of Kiram reportedly surrendered while others went to the sea to escape.[10]

 

8)             On 02 March 2013, more bloodshed occurred with 6 Filipinos and 6 Malaysian police officers being killed in an ambush set by the Royal Sulu Army. [11]

 

9)             On 03 March 2013, Malaysian cops stated that three areas where firefights occurred were now under Malaysian control while a man linked to the earlier ambush was beaten to death after he tried to hostage civilians. [12]

10)          Mopping operations of some 300 homes in the village ended at 6:30 in the evening. On the other hand, Kiram’s camp claims to have captured at least four Malaysian officials including a police officer, two military officials and a local government official after the clash on Saturday. [13]

 

11)          On 04 March 2013, Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Del Rosario flew to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia to appeal for maximum tolerance. Secretary del Rosario also took the opportunity to personally convey the Philippine Government’s request for clearance for a Philippine Navy ship to proceed to Lahad Datu, Sabah to enable the Philippine medical personnel aboard to provide humanitarian and consular assistance and provide medical care to the wounded and ferry them and the remaining members of the group back to their respective homes and families.[14]

 

 

II. Allegations of massive and gross human rights violation committed against the Filipinos in Sabah

12)          On 08 March 2013, night time, Amira Taradji, (a Filipina) arrived in Patikul, Sulu, Philippines with about 200 other refugees.[15]

 

13)          Taradji was originally from Davao City, Philippines, and was among some 400 people who have arrived in Sulu, Philippines from Lahad Datu, Semporna, Tawau and Kunak all from Sabah, Malaysia.[16]

 

14)          Taradji said she and her family sailed from Sandakan to nearby islands … “from one island to another—until we reached a small island where we took a kumpit for the Philippines.” [17]

 

15)          Taradji and her family lived in Sabah for the past 26 years. Though she and her family were MyKad (Malaysian identity cards) holders in Sabah, Malaysia, they abandoned their home when the police raids started on Monday night claiming that the police were ruthless.

 

16)          Taradji said that Malaysian policemen had ordered Filipino men to run as fast as they could and then opened fire on them.[18]

 

17)          Taradji further claimed that among those killed that way on Monday night, during a “zoning operation” by police in a Filipino community in Sandakan was her brother, Jumadil.[19]

 

18)          Taradji further added that the constant raids by Malaysian security forces was harrowing and said Filipinos she encountered before leaving Sabah said they too had witnessed Filipino men being rounded up in Tawau and Kunak. [20]

 

19)          Taradji added that some of the arrested men, who tried to dissuade the police from arresting them by waving immigration documents, were killed just the same for trying to evade the raiders.[21]

 

20)          Taradji further said that, “Even if you have valid immigration document, you will not be spared. If you are lucky to reach the jail, you will die of starvation because they will not feed you,” adding she has lived in Sandakan since she was a child.[22]

 

21)           Another of those who made it back to the Philippines, Carla Manlaw, 47, said it was fear of the Malaysian policemen following stories of the abuse and killings that prompted her and other Filipinos to sail to Bongao in Tawi-Tawi.[23]

 

22)          Manlaw and 99 others, including children and the elderly, arrived in Philippines waters aboard two motorboats after sailing for about two hours from Sandakan. They were intercepted and escorted by a Philippine Navy ship until they reached Bongao late Friday, 08 March 2013. [24]

 

23)          She said that while her employer in Sandakan had no problem with employing her, she was scared of the police and “what they will do to us.” [25]

 

24)          When Manlaw heard that a vessel was returning to Bongao from Sandakan, she immediately grabbed her things and boarded it.[26]

 

25)          Also on 08 March 2013, late Friday night, Mayor Hussin Amin of Jolo, Sulu, Philippines, said the accounts of Filipinos fleeing police abuse in Sabah were “alarming and disturbing” and the Philippine government should look into it.[27]

 

26)          He said he had spoken with many refugees and their stories were the same:  Malaysian soldiers and policemen do not distinguish between illegal immigrants and MyKad holders. [28]

 

27)          “Soldiers and policemen stormed their houses and even those with legitimate working papers like passports and IC papers were not spared. These documents were allegedly torn before their eyes. Men were told to run and were shot if they did. Those who refused were beaten black and blue. Filipinos in jail were executed,” Mayor Amin said by phone late Friday.[29]

 

28)          “We are asking our government to investigate now. Refugees from Sandakan and Sabah had spoken to us about their ordeals. If indeed what they have been telling us is true, then Malaysian authorities are not just targeting the Kirams in Lahad Datu,” Mayor Amin said.[30]

 

29)          Mayor Amin said that for now, he tended to believe the stories told by the refugees that Filipino men, especially Tausug, were being killed in the streets and in detention centers in Malaysia.[31] “Our people are treated like animals there and this has to stop because they are no longer hitting the Kirams,” Amin said.[32]

 

30)          He said one reason why he believed the stories was his observation that children and women were so “deeply traumatized” that they tried to flee when they saw Filipino policemen as they arrived in Jolo. [33] “Some (of them) even attempted to jump to the sea, thinking they were still in Malaysia,” he said, referring to scenes at the Jolo port this week. [34] “I spoke to them and gave them assurance that they were all home and no one would harm them now and the policemen securing the port were not Malaysians but Filipinos protecting them,” Amin said. [35]

 

31)          On 10 March 2013, the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) issued a press statement on the reported violation of human rights of Filipinos in Sabah, which states:

 

DFA Statement on the Reported Violation of Human Rights of Filipinos in Sabah

Sunday, 10 March 2013 17:05

10 March 2013

 

The Department of Foreign Affairs views with grave concern the alleged rounding up of community members of Suluk/Tausug descent in Lahad Datu and other areas in Sabah and the alleged violations of human rights reported in the media by some Filipinos who arrived in Sulu and Tawi-Tawi from Sabah.

 

The Department is coordinating with the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) and other relevant agencies to document these reports so that appropriate actions could be taken.

 

The Department urges the Malaysian government to take steps to clarify these alleged incidents.

 

The Department continues to call on the Malaysian Government to give our Philippine Embassy officials and the Philippine humanitarian/consular team dispatched to Lahad Datu and nearby areas full access to the Filipinos being held “in several locations in Sabah but outside the ‘Ops Daulat’ area,” as announced by the Malaysian Inspector General of the Police Tan Sri Ismail Omar on 08 March 2013, to enable them to fulfill their mission which is to provide humanitarian and consular assistance to Filipinos who have been affected by the incident.

 

We reiterate our call on the Malaysian Government to give humane treatment to the Filipinos under their custody.

 

The allegations are alarming and should be properly and immediately addressed by concerned authorities. END[36]

32)          On 11 March 2013, the chair of the Regional Human Rights Commission of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (RHRC-ARMM) appealed for an end to violence in Sabah and to peacefully resolve the issue as reports of alleged human rights violations of Filipinos there were “very alarming.”[37]

 

33)                         “Grabe, grabe ang mga nakita nila” (What they witnessed was very disturbing), Laisa Masuhud Alamia, chair of the month-old RHRC, said of the accounts of Filipinos who arrived in Sulu from Sabah on Thursday and Friday (07-08 March 2013). [38]

34)                         Alamia said in a telephone interview that based on the accounts of those who fled Sabah, several Filipinos, particularly Tausugs or Suluks as they are known in Sabah, were shot, arrested and tortured and that the victims were not members of  the “Royal Security Forces of Sulu and North Borneo” but civilians. [39]

 

35)                         As of noon of 11 March 2013, the RHRC has recorded a total of 1,191paguys who arrived — 767 in Tawi-Tawi and 424 in Sulu — on board nine boats from Sabah beginning March 6, a day after Malaysia launched aerial and ground attacks to signal the start of “Ops Daulat” to flush out of Lahad Datu in Sabah the “Royal Security Forces” of Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III. [40]

 

36)          Altogether, 1,479 Filipinos had arrived from Sabah since March 2, of whom 288 were through organized deportation and 1,191 through self-deportation.[41]

 

37)          Alamia said some of the paguys are “self deportees,” among them farmworkers at oil palm plantations there who have no ICs and who immediately boarded the boat upon learning of the crackdown.[42]

 

38)          An IC is an Identity Card issued to Malaysian citizens and permanent residents for identification, indexing and tracking purposes.[43]

39)          But Alamia reported that some paguys informed them that even those with ICs or passports were not spared, that “when they’re caught, their ICs or passports were torn or destroyed by the Malaysian authorities and they were beaten.”[44]

 

40)          She noted that a number of the paguys “exhibited reluctance to be interviewed” by DSWD workers providing assistance to them, immediately leaving with their relatives after receiving assistance.[45]

 

41)          She said they learned that they were “afraid that Philippine authorities would arrest them.” [46]

 

42)          “Apparently they were referring to pronouncements that members of the Kiram group would be arrested when they come back. They thought this also applies to them,” Alamia said. [47]

 

 

43)          She appealed to all parties involved to end the violence and begin the peaceful resolution of the issue, and called on the Malaysian government to  “allow the entry into Sabah of the Philippine humanitarian contingent to provide relief to the Filipinos trapped there and to allow them to be brought back to the country.” [48]

 

44)          On 17 March 2013, it was reported that Filipinos, who had fled Sabah in the aftermath of the armed intrusion there by the Sulu “royal army,” had learned to endure the pains of being violently beaten by Malaysian security forces during crackdowns on suspected Sabah-based supporters of the sultanate’s men just to stay alive, survivors had claimed.[49]

 

45)          Ibrahim Alih, 38-year old Sama native from Zamboanga City, told the INQUIRER that “I did not run when they ordered me to run because I know they will shoot me. What I did was to bear the pain when they hit me,” as he was being processed by government agencies before sending him home. [50]

 

46)          Alih, who was rounded up for failing to present immigration documents during Monday last week’s sweep on his neighborhood in Sandakan, said he did not care even if blood was already coming out of his wounds because he knew it was safer for him to just submit to the beating. [51]

 

47)          When he noticed that the Malaysian forces appeared to be hell bent on beating him to death, Alih said he shouted: “I’m not a Tausug, I’m a Sama Badjao.” [52]

 

48)          Upon hearing this, the Malaysian forces allegedly stopped from hurting him but they still frisked him and took the RM700 he earned from being a carpenter in Sabah for the past four months. [53]

 

49)          He was then allowed to board ML Fatima Editha – along with hundreds of other Filipinos trying to find a space on the crammed boat – for Tawi-Tawi province.[54]

 

50)          Alih said he wished he had not been illegally working in Sabah because a valid document might have saved him from harm.[55] “I don’t even have a passport,” he lamented.[56]

 

51)          Twenty-year old Sherilyn Viado, who worked in a construction company in Sabah, said she too had to assert her ethnicity when Malaysian policemen prepared to gang up on her.[57]

 

52)          “I told them that I’m not a Tausug but a Badjao,” she said, adding that Malaysian security forces were singling out people from Sulu or Sabahans known as Suluk (people who originated from Sulu).[58]

 

53)          “If you’re a Tausug, you will surely land in jail even if you had valid papers,” Viado, a native of Zamboanga del Sur, said. [59]

 

54)          Viado said Malaysian forces were so angry at Tausugs and Suluks that they do not put distinction between males and females anymore.[60]

 

55)          “We saw on TV how they beat Tausugs, including women,” she claimed.

Viado said Tausugs or Suluks who had disappeared from her neighborhood had not resurfaced since their arrest “and the lack of information on their fate had sowed unimaginable degree of fear on us.”[61]

 

56)          Annang Im, 50, who tended a small sidewalk store in Sandakan, said she did not experience being abused but she saw how male Filipinos caught up during the sweeps had been made to physically suffer by Malaysian policemen.[62]

 

57)          Im, a Tausug-Visaya, also confirmed Viado’s claim that Malaysian security forces hated Tausugs and Suluks so much that they did not care even if suspects were killed during the sweeps.[63] “It is because of what the Kirams did in Lahad Datu,” she said.[64]

 

58)          Malaysian Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail announced in a statement that an investigation into the reported abuses has started and those complaining of such excesses will be assisted by the Malaysian Bar and the Sabah Law Association. [65]

 

 

III.             Request for urgent action

 

The Filipinos in Sabah, Malaysia, have been subjected to massive and gross human rights abuses by Malaysian state agents, in violation of the UDHR. The rights of these Filipinos in Sabah violated by Malaysian state agents include, but are not limited, to the following:

 

(a)  right against any discrimination under Articles 2 and 7 UDHR;

(b)  right to life, liberty and security of person under Article 3 UDHR;

(c)   right not to be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment under Article 5 UDHR;

(d)  right against arbitrary arrest, detention or exile under Article 9 UDHR; and

(e)  right to a fair trial under Article 10 UDHR.

 

 

Accordingly, we appeal to your Office to:

 

  • urgently intervene and investigate the massive and gross human rights violations committed by Malaysian state agents against Filipinos in Sabah;

 

  • to express grave concern on the massive and gross human rights violations committed by Malaysia against Filipinos in Sabah;

 

  • to remind Malaysia that it provide effective remedies and compensation to the Filipino victims of the massive and gross human rights violations committed against them in Sabah by Malaysian state agents.

 

Please do not hesitate to contact us if you have any questions or if we can provide you with any additional information you may need.

 

Yours sincerely,

 

H. Harry L. Roque, Jr.

 

 

 

E. hroque@roquebutuyan.com

T. +632.8873894

 

 


Philippines postpones MILF peace talks | Asia Pacific | ABC Radio Australia


Philippines postpones MILF peace talks | Asia Pacific | ABC Radio Australia.

Published in: on March 28, 2013 at 1:26 am  Leave a Comment  
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Game On! ITLoS President Appoints Second Arbitrator in Philippines-China Arbitration


by Julian Ku

Just in case there was any doubt, the Philippines-China arbitration over the South China Sea will go forward.  International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea President Shunji Yanai has appointed a second arbitrator.

The [Philippines] Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) confirmed on Monday that the Itlos president, Judge Shunji Yanai, appointed Polish Itlos Judge Stanislaw Pawlak to the panel last week, leaving only three more slots to be filled in the tribunal.

Pawlak will join the panel with German Judge Rudiger Wolfrum, the arbiter appointed by the Philippines when it announced its arbitration bid in January.

The Polish judge’s appointment is the first for Yanai, who took on the task of composing the arbitral panel after China announced its rejection of the proceedings.

As I discussed here earlier, China’s refusal to appoint an arbitrator does not in any way divest the arbitral tribunal of jurisdiction under the Annex VII of UNCLOS.  President Yanai now will appoint the remaining three arbitrators, as he would do whether or not China had acted to appoint an arbitrator.

The interesting question is what China will do now.  It seems likely that they will continue to ignore the arbitration and question its propriety.  But China can no longer claim that the arbitration cannot proceed without China’s participation.  This article from the reliably hawkish state-owned Global Times offers a pretty clear-eyed analysis, correctly noting that UNCLOS itself grants the ITLOS arbitral tribunal the power to determine its own jurisdiction, and that UNCLOS also specifies the procedure for appointing arbitrators.  It also notes that China’s position is going to be somewhat more difficult, and that the Philippines is using this legal proceeding to level the playing field somewhat in this maritime dispute.

The nationality of President Shunji Yanai has not gone unnoticed.  As this news broadcast puts it, “Expert Says Nationality of ITLoS President Detrimental to China”.  The broadcast (full of ominous shots of the Japanese flags (interspersed with ominous shots of the U.S. flag since the US is often believed to be behind the Philippines litigation) also notes that Japanese nationals have also acquired other important positions within UNCLOS.  If things start to go south for China in UNCLOS institutions, expect this little factoid about Japan’s nefarious control of UNCLOS institutions to pop up more often in the Chinese media.

China still has the option to show up to contest jurisdiction once the tribunal is constituted. I think they could still do that, and that they would have a plausible case against jurisdiction here. But it is seems that China is committed to its path of rejecting the arbitration. Indeed, if the tribunal finds they have no jurisdiction, China wins.  But if the tribunal rules it can hear the case, expect the denunciations of the Japanese- appointed one-sided illegal tribunal to start flowing.

Published in: on March 27, 2013 at 8:55 am  Leave a Comment  

CBCP drops PPCRV (about time!)


CBCP drops PPCRV (about time!)

Published in: on March 25, 2013 at 6:51 am  Comments (2)  
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New York Times story on TRO vs RH Law


New York Times story on TRO vs RH Law

Published in: on March 23, 2013 at 5:12 pm  Leave a Comment  
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The Case of Smartmatic versus Dominion


The Case of Smartmatic versus Dominion

Report of Acting British Consul-General British to Earl of Derby on Lease of Sabah to Overbeck and Dent


page 6 to 7

New Encounter with Ampatuan Suspects


From our informant on the ground:

another Pvt armies of d Ampatuan headd by a person known as Kagi Daynga (KD) raidd by CIDG-PNP backup by AFP at Sarip Aguak, Mgd dis morning. KD & his group resisted but he died. encuentro stil going on as of dis time.

per raw info: dead c Kagi Daynga (KD) & 3 co. 6 PNP & AFP woundd. 1 police car nasunog. 1 dead sa mga tao ni Uz Wahid, d base Cmdr of BIAF-MILF ll8th Base Cmd (BC). KD & co s under d protection of ll8th BC.

Published in: on March 18, 2013 at 1:01 pm  Leave a Comment  
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Forum on Transnational Human Remedies, including for Crimes Against Humanity in Sabah


A forum on Transnational Remedies for Human Rights violations will be sponsored by the Institute of International Legal Studies of the UP Law Center today, 18 March, 1:30-5PM at the 2nd floor conference room of the UP Law Center, Bocobo Hall, UP Law Complex, Diliman Quezon City.

Expected to be discussed by the lawyers of victims are the litigations involving Augusto Pinochet, the Dirty war in Argentina, and the cases filed against Rumsfeld et al for the Abu Graib abuses. The matter of crimes against Humanity being perpetrated by Malaysians against Filipino nationals in Sabah will also be discussed.

Main discussant re Prof. H Harry L. Roque, Director of UP IILS and Mr Wolfgang Kaleck of the European Center for Constitutional Law and Human Rights (ECCHR). A brief background on Mr. Kaleck:

“Wolfgang Kaleck
The General Secretary and co-founder of ECCHR, a lawyer specializing in
criminal law, has established an international reputation as an advocate for
human rights. He made a name for himself when he filed suit against the U.S.
Defense Minister Donald Rumsfeld for war crimes and torture committed at Abu
Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay. After founding the law firm
Hummel.Kaleck.Rechtsanwälte in 1991, he worked as a specialist solicitor in
criminal law. Since 1998 he has been an advocate for the Koalition der
Straflosigkeit, which fights to hold Argentinean military officials
accountable for the murder and disappearance of Germans during the Argentine
dictatorship.
The former chairman of the Republican Women Lawyers and Attorneys
Association (RAV) and former Vice President of the European Democratic
Lawyers (EDL) is highly sought after human rights expert. Kaleck is a member
of the Advisory Board at the Centre for European Law and Politics at the
University of Bremen (ZERP) and of the Forum for International Criminal and
Humanitarian Law (FICHL).
A Publication list : see http://www.ecchr.de/index.php/staff.html
Publications Wolfgang Kaleck.pdf Publications Wolfgang Kaleck.”

The Lecture is open to the public

Forum on “The Sultanate of Sulu and Its Pursuit to Reclaim Sabah”


“The Sultanate of Sulu and Its Pursuit to Reclaim Sabah”
An International Law Forum by the Institute of International Legal Studies (IILS) of the University of the Philippines, College of Law

Friday, March 15,2013
8:30 am – 12 noon
1st floor Lecture Hall, Bocobo Hall
UP Law Center, Diliman, Quezon City

Click here for the programme

Malaysia’s crimes against humanity?


 

It’s increasingly becoming clear that Malaysian authorities have no regard whatsoever for their duty under international human rights law to protect and promote the right to life of the Filipinos in Sabah, and their right to a judicial determination of guilt before the imposition of the death penalty. To date, the death toll has reached 63, while the number of individuals who have been apprehended on mere suspicions that they are sympathizers of the Sultanate of Sulu has reached almost 100. And yet, there does not appear to be any sign that Malaysian authorities will even slow down in their resolve to crack down on the historical owners of Sabah.

The little good news that we have is at long last, the Philippine government has sent a diplomatic note to Kuala Lampur asking Malaysian authorities to “clarify” reports about human rights violations. Media has been reporting wide- scale violations of human rights violations against Filipino nationals in Sabah including resort to pre-trial detentions, torture, and inhumane treatment. Even without dwelling on the Philippine title to Sabah, the Philippines should never abdicate its obligations to its nationals when reports of wide-scale violation of their rights become rampant. Hence it was correct for our authorities to send this note verbale.

But Malaysia appears hell bent on clamping down on the rights of all Filipinos in Sabah, whether or not they are involved in the current standoff. Even before this latest Sabah incursion, Malaysia has been afflicted with extreme paranoia that Filipinos may physically constitute a majority of the population in Sabah. This has led to regular mass deportations of Filipinos from Sabah, almost all of which have been characterized as inhumane. One incident stands out in terms of barbarity. In 2002, when Malaysia deported no less than 62,000 Filipinos from Sabah, the country was shocked to know that in addition to the inhumane nature of the deportations, a Malaysian guard added salt to open wounds by raping a 13-year-old girl in one of the Malaysian immigration facilities. That incident has all been forgotten.

But Malaysia better think twice before it proceeds to commit further criminal acts under international law. While there is still a dispute on whether the current stand-off is now governed by international humanitarian law—the 200 individuals sent by the sultanate of Sulu to reclaim Sabah are not state agents — international law still penalizes acts which are systematic or widespread attacks against civilians. This is known as crimes against humanity. Unlike war crimes, crimes against humanity do not require a nexus with armed conflicts. It suffices that the inhumane acts, be it deportation, arrest, or inhumane treatment, be widespread or systematic.

While murder remains the most frequent manner by which this crime may be committed, it is by no means the only way to commit it. Under international law, it may also be committed, among others, through extermination, enslavement, deportation or forcible transfer of population, imprisonment, torture, rape, persecution against an identifiable group on national (against Filipinos, for instance) or other inhumane acts of a similar character intentionally causing great suffering or serious bodily or mental injury. The list appears tailor made for the inhumane acts that Malaysian authorities have been committing against our countrymen in Sabah.

The beauty of international criminal law is that unlike human rights law, it utilizes penology as a means of enforcement.  This means that while the enforcement of human rights is through a shaming machinery where countries in breach of their human rights obligations are shamed into compliance either through the periodic reviews of the UN Human Rights Council or the treaty monitoring bodies, international criminal law actually provides for imprisonment for those who will breach the law. And unlike domestic legal systems, these international crimes are not subject to prescription, may be tried by any court regardless of where they may have been committed, and does not recognize sovereign immunity as a defense. Simply put, Malaysian authorities who committed these crimes against our nationals will end up in jail. If not in Malaysia, then in the Philippines, at the Hague, or in the territory of any state that is duty-bound to prosecute them for their acts.

Interestingly enough, no less than Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak may incur liability for these crimes if it is proven that he knew or should have known about these crimes being committed and he did nothing to prevent them or to investigate, prosecute and punish the perpetrators of these crimes. This is known as Superior Responsibility. It may not be today, it may not be in Malaysia, but surely sometime in the future and somewhere in this planet, he will be held responsible for these crimes on the basis of superior responsibility. This was the lesson that the Nazis learned in Nuremberg. This too was the lesson learned by Saddam Hussein, Slobodan Milosevic, Charles Taylor and Tomoyuki Yamashita.

Najib should stop these crimes lest he join the roster of the infamous.

Inside Story on Sabah


http://aje.me/WJqsKs

Discussion on Sabah in Al Jazeera

Published in: on March 9, 2013 at 6:14 am  Comments (1)  
Tags: , ,

Quote about Sabah crisis attributable to Phil Robertson, Deputy Director, Asia Division, Human Rights Watch


 

“The situation on the ground in the conflict zone in Sabah is still quite murky and the government of Malaysia should provide clear and accurate information on what has occurred.  At this point, it’s critical that the Malaysian authorities ensure the protection of all civilians in the area, and allow humanitarian access for the provision of emergency assistance to those affected by the violence.  We’re concerned about the Malaysian government’s use of the Security Offenses Special Measures Act (SOSMA) to detain reportedly more than 50 individuals, and call on the government to either charge them with a recognizable criminal offense or release them.  All parties to the conflict should heed the call of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to ‘act in full respect of international human rights norms and standards’.”

Urgent Appeal to UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression in Relation to Freedom of the Press in Sabah


This urgent appeal in relation to Malaysia’s handling of the press covering the Sabah situation was sent to Mr. Frank La Rue, the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression.

Letter of Appeal to Mr Frank La Rue (Sabah Matter) 06.03.2013

Statement on the dismissal by the SC of our VFA motion for writ of execution


“We are puzzled by this pronouncement by the Supreme Court because the Salonga case is an original petition filed with the High Court. It did not originate from any lower court nor was it an original part of the rape case tried before the Makati City regional trial court.  Thus, jurisdiction to hear and rule on our motion solely lies before the Supreme Court in this case. As far as we understand the rules of court, nothing bars the court from issuing a writ of execution to enforce a decision that in the first place, solely originated from its final and executory judgment. For this reason we are filing a Motion for Reconsideration to clarity exactly what the Court means by their pronouncement on our Motion.”

- Atty. Harry L. Roque, Jr.

USE OF FIGHTER JETS AGAINST FILIPINOS IN SABAH IS ILLEGAL


Ref: Prof H. Harr L. Roque, Director, Institute of International Legal Studies

University of the Philippines Law Center

 

 

The use of modern fighter jets and air strikes against the followers of the Sultanate of Sulu is illegal. Under human rights law, the use of force in police operations should be absolutely necessary and strictly proportional to the threat posed by the Filipinos in Sabah. Moreover, Respect for the right to life of a police suspect requires that the nature and degree of force used be proportionate to the threat posed by the suspect to the safety and security of the police officers, other individuals and society as a whole. Malaysian Law enforcement officials should, as far as possible, apply non-violent means before resorting to force, and in particular, the resort to airstrikes.

 

Since the use of force against the Filipinos involved in the standoff is illegal, Malaysia has committed an internationally wrongful act. Accordingly, the Philippine government, in addition to espousing the rights of its nationals, should also demand that the international community should ask Malaysia to cease and desist from further breaching human rights law. It should later be asked to pay compensation to the victims of its use of disproportionate use of force.

News of Malaysias use of air strikes may be found here:

http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/297689/news/nation/malaysian-fighter-jets-bomb-sabah-camp-of-sultan-s-men

MALAYSIA SHOULD RESPECT FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN SABAH


Ref:  Prof. H. Harry L. Roque Jr.  is President,of  Media Defense Southeast Asia

images-1

Malaysia should respect freedom of the press in the standoff in Sabah. This is to avoid misinformation of the type that happened ago two days ago. When shooting erupted in Sabah, Philippine authorities said that there were only 2 casualties, while the sultanate of Sulu claimed that there were 14. Malaysian officials, on the other hand,  claimed that 14 followers of the Sultanate managed to escape.

It s in times of crisis that the freedom of the press should be fully protected. Independent of the issue of who has title over Sabah, both the Malaysian and the Philippine public have a right to know what has been happening in the stand-off. Certainly, the death count, as well as the manner by which the human rights of the supporters of the Sultanate of Sulu are legitimate issues imbued with public interest.

The Philippines and Malaysian authorities have been at a standoff when 200 or so supporters of the Sultanate of Sulu went to Sabah purportedly to claim the island back on behalf of their sultanate. In 1878, the Sultanate of Sulu entered into a contract of “pajak” with Overbeck and Dent, the latter as representatives of the North Borneo Trading Company. Malaysians have construed “pajak” to mean cession. The Philippines claim it is a “lease”. Since 1878, Malaysia authorities have been paying to the sultanate the equivalent of 5000 ringgit annually.

Lord Granville, a Foreign Secretary for Great Britain maintained that the UK did not claim sovereignty over Sabah since the North Borneo Trading Company was not an instrumentality of Great Britain. Furthermore, Mr., Treacher, a British consular official who accompanied Overbeck and Dent to Sulu for the signing of the contract of “pajak” claimed that what was signed was a contract of lease.

Both the Philippines and Malaysia are signatories to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Art 19 of the same recognizes the duties of state parties thereto to protect and promote freedom of expression and of the press.

Malaysian state police recently detained an Al Jazeera team, including its Filipina producer, Jam Aindogan, for covering the standoff. Henry Omaga Diaz of Abs-Cbn news and Maki Pulido of GMA-7 were also asked to leave the area and was threatened by Malaysian authorities with arrest.

The Media Defense Southeast Asia is a regional organization of lawyers defending freedom of expression in Southeast Asia. It unequivocally condemns Malaysia’s utter disregard and violation of freedom of the press in Sabah.

The Philippine Claim to Sabah


imagesAccording to news reports, 10 Filipinos have died in Sabah. I am uploading this Statement of then Congressman Jovito R. Salonga to answer all our questions regarding the Sabah claim.

UP LAW MOOT TEAM DEFENDS CROWN: DEFEATS ADEMU


150474_10151450465497239_1063513711_nThe University of the Philippines College of Law Jessup moot team defeated Ateneo de Manila Law School and eight other law schools in this year’s Philippines national round of the Philip Jessup Moot court competition. The UP Law team is the defending champion in the competition, having finished as a semi-finalist in last year’s International rounds of the competition With its victory this year, the UP team will again represent the Philippines in this years international competition still to be held Washington DC from April 1 to 6 of this year.

The Philip Jessup moot competition is the biggest and most prestigious moot competition amongst law students in the world. This year, more than 600 teams from 90 countries competed in the national and regional rounds of the competition.  It is expected that no less than 120 teams, all of whom winners in their respective  national and regional rounds, will compete in the international rounds.

Aside from UP and Ateneo, the other participants to this years competition were: the University of Cebu, Saint Louis University, De La Salle University, De La Salle-FEU, Lyceum of the Philippines, Silliman University, San Beda, and the University of Cordillera. The national competition was sponsored by the Philippine Association of Law Schools and hosted by the De La Salle University College of Law.

The UP team was composed of a freshman, Peterson Poon, who was also adjudged as the best oralist, veteran Ma. Margarita Lim of last year’s semi-finalist team, Arianne Ferrer, Ana Margarita Rodriguez and Crisela Bernardino. They were coached by Prof. Harry Roque, Atty Maricel Seno, and Mr Gil Anthony Aquino.

Dean Danilo Concepcion of the UP College of Law described the team’s victory as an “affirmation” of the national university’s dedication to excellence.

#30#

After the Chinese snub


After the Chinese snub.

The elephant in the room: Sabah


The elephant in the room: Sabah.

Published in: on February 21, 2013 at 12:22 am  Comments (1)  
Tags: , , , , ,

Text of our Memorandum Against the Cybercrimes Prevention Act


REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES

SUPREME COURT

MANILA

 

 

ALEXANDER ADONIS, VERAFILES INCORPORATED, represented by its President, ELLEN TORDESILLAS, MA. GISELA ORDENES-CASCOLAN, H. HARRY L. ROQUE, JR., ROMEL R. BAGARES, AND GILBERT T. ANDRES,

Petitioners,

 

-versus- G.R. No. 203378

For: Certiorari and Prohibition, with Prayer for a Preliminary Prohibitory Injunction and/ or Temporary Restraining Order

 

 

THE EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, THE DEPARTMENT OF BUDGET AND MANAGEMENT,THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, THE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT, THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE, AND THE INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY OFFICE-DEPARTMENT OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY,

Respondents.

x——————————————-x

 

HON. RAYMOND V.  PALATINO, HON. ANTONIO TINIO, VENCER MARI CRISOSTOMO of ANAKBAYAN,    MA. KATHERINE ELONA      of  the   Philippine      Collegian, ISABELLE   THERESE   BAGUISI     of    the     National Union    of    Students    of    the    Philippines,   et al.,

Petitioners,

 

-       versus         -                                                         

HON.   PAQUITO   N.   OCHOA,   JR.,   in   his  capacity as     Executive     Secretary     and alter-ego     of     President Benigno   Simeon   Aquino   III,  and   HON.   LEILA  DE LIMA,  in  her  capacity  as  Secretary of  Justice,

Respondents.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

G.R. No. 203391

 

x——————————————-x

 

 

CONSOLIDATED MEMORANDUM

 

 

PETITIONERS, through counsel, respectfully file this Memorandum before the Honorable Court and state that:

 

 

PREFATORY STATEMENT

 

Freedom of expression is the foundation of a free, open and democratic society. Freedom of expression is an indispensable condition to the exercise of almost all other civil and political rights. No society can remain free, open and democratic without freedom of expression. Freedom of expression guarantees full, spirited, and even contentious discussion of all social, economic and political issues. To survive, a free and democratic society must zealously safeguard freedom of expression.

-J. Carpio, separate concurring opinion, Chavez vs. Gonzales, G.R. No. 168338,   Feb. 15, 2008

The passage of a new cybercrime law, purportedly made to address new crimes inaugurated by the brave new world of cyberspace, gives an opportune occasion for this Honorable Court to reexamine our society’s continuing commitment to time-honored constitutional values.

 

As an exercise of police power, the value of a legislative enactment  intended to grapple with new technological realities is not being questioned.

 

What is put forward is the necessity of measuring such exercise against the standards of  accepted limitations to police power, which is the Bill of Rights enshrined in our Constitution.

The Constitution provides that the exercise of police power should be in a manner that would not infringe on guaranteed freedoms.

 

And the exercise of police power, through the enactment of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, may have grave effects on the  exercise of the constitutionally protected  speech, among other freedoms. Indeed, the assailed provisions may result in a “chilling effect” on the exercise of the right as fundamental as freedom of expression.

 

Our Constitution’s commitment to freedom of expression may not be the best means at arriving at the truth. It may not be the best means to administer government. But unless we change our constitutional commitment to freedom of expression, we need to continue to protect it vigilantly.

 

What is at stake in this case are fundamental constitutional freedoms, which have, in the very first place, enabled our democracy state to exist.

 

This Court has said that freedom of expression is the foundation of all other rights.  Which is why every other legislative enactment seeking to limit that freedom must come under strict constitutional scrutiny; that is, those statutes that infringe on protected freedoms are heavily presumed to be unconstitutional.

 

The Filipinos’ Constitutional right to freedom of expression is the animating spirit behind our republican and democratic way of government. The Filipino people cherish this right in any medium, more so with the use of the Internet which eases communication across any borders.

 

Ironically, our right to freedom of expression is now imperiled by a law that trespasses on that right with respect to the internet:  Republic Act No. 10175 or the “Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012.”

 

Hence, Petitioners, as concerned citizens of this nation’s democratic way of life, respectfully ask the Honorable Court to wield its supreme Constitutional duty, by declaring Republic Act No. 10175 and the libel provisions of the Revised Penal Code—as unconstitutional.

 

 

i. timeliness of the memorandum

 

Petitioners were given twenty (20) days from 30 January 2013, or until 19 February 2013—which is today, within which to file this Memorandum. Hence, this Memorandum is timely filed.

 

 

ii. statement of facts

 

 

1)            On 8 December 1930, Act No. 3185, otherwise known as the Revised Penal Code, was signed into law.

 

 

2)            The Revised Penal Code (“RPC”) penalizes libel committed by means of writing or similar means, to wit:

 

Article 355. Libel means by writings or similar means. - A libel committed by means of writing, printing, lithography, engraving, radio, phonograph, painting, theatrical exhibition, cinematographic exhibition, or any similar means, shall be punished by prision correccional in its minimum and medium periods or a fine ranging from 200 to 6,000 pesos, or both, in addition to the civil action which may be brought by the offended party.

 

 

 

 

 

3)            Libel is defined under Article 353 of the RPC as, to wit:

 

Art. 353. Definition of libel. — A libel is public and malicious imputation of a crime, or of a vice or defect, real or imaginary, or any act, omission, condition, status, or circumstance tending to cause the dishonor, discredit, or contempt of a natural or juridical person, or to blacken the memory of one who is dead.

 

 

4)            Moreover, under Article 354 of the RPC, malice is presumed for every defamatory imputation—even if it be true—subject to very limited exceptions, to wit:

 

Article. 354. Requirement for publicity. — Every defamatory imputation is presumed to be malicious, even if it be true, if no good intention and justifiable motive for making it is shown, except in the following cases:

 

1. A private communication made by any person to another in the performance of any legal, moral or social duty; and

 

2. A fair and true report, made in good faith, without any comments or remarks, of any judicial, legislative or other official proceedings which are not of confidential nature, or of any statement, report or speech delivered in said proceedings, or of any other act performed by public officers in the exercise of their functions.

 

 

5)            Further, although Article 361 of the RPC provides for truth as a defense, nevertheless, Article 361 additionally provides that for such a defense to be effective, the material in question must be published with good motives and for justifiable reasons, to wit:  

 

 

Art. 361. Proof of the truth. — In every criminal prosecution for libel, the truth may be given in evidence to the court and if it appears that the matter charged as libelous is true, and, moreover, that it was published with good motives and for justifiable ends, the defendants shall be acquitted.

 

Proof of the truth of an imputation of an act or omission not constituting a crime shall not be admitted, unless the imputation shall have been made against Government employees with respect to facts related to the discharge of their official duties.

 

In such cases if the defendant proves the truth of the imputation made by him, he shall be acquitted.

 

6)            Also, under Article 362 of the RPC, a showing of mere “malice” will still result in criminal liability even for a matter considered privileged under Article 354, to wit:

 

Art. 362. Libelous remarks. — Libelous remarks or comments connected with the matter privileged under the provisions of Article 354, if made with malice, shall not exempt the author thereof nor the editor or managing editor of a newspaper from criminal liability.

 

 

7)            On 23 October 1986, the Philippines ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Article 19 of the ICCPR provides that:

Article 19

1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.

2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.

3. The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph 2 of this article carries with it special duties and responsibilities. It may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary:

(a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others;

(b) For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals.

8)            On 02 February 1987, the 1987 Philippine Constitution was ratified. Article III, Section  4 of the 1987 Constitution provides:

 

Section 4.No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.

 

 

9)            Furthermore, on August 22, 1989, the Philippines ratified the Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, which meant its acceptance of the individual complaints mechanism provided for by the Optional Protocol.

 

10)         On 03 July 2008, herein Petitioner Alexander Adonis filed a communication against the Philippines before the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC), alleging that the Philippines violated Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in connection with a libel case filed against him by then House Speaker Prospero Nograles. He alleged, inter alia, that his conviction and imprisonment for libel under Article 355 of the Philippine Revised Penal Code constitutes an unlawful restriction on his right to freedom of expression under Article 19 of the ICCPR. The communication is entitled Alexander Adonis v. The Philippines and designated as Communication No. 1815/2008.[1]

 

 

11)         On 26 October 2011, the UNHRC expressed its View on Alexander Adonis vs. Republic of the Philippines.[2]In its View, the UNHRC declared that the imprisonment imposed on Mr. Adonis for libel under the Philippine Revised Penal Code is “incompatible with Article 19, paragraph three of the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights,”or freedom of expression. Further, the UNHRC View ruled that the Philippines is “also under an obligation to take steps to prevent similar violations occurring in the future, including by reviewing the relevant libel legislation.”

 

 

12)         On 04 June 2012 and on 05 June 2012, and despite the UNHRC view on Adonis v. The Philippines, the House of Representatives and the Senate, respectively, passed Republic Act No. 10175, or otherwise known as the  “Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012.″  

 

13)         On 12 September 2012, despite the UNHRC view on Adonis v. The Philippines, President Benigno Simeon Aquino III signed into law R.A.10175.

 

 

14)         On 28 September 2012, Petitioners filed before the Honorable Court a  “Petition for Certiorari and  Prohibition, with Prayer for the issuance of a writ of Prohibitory Injunction and/ or Temporary Restraining Order,” therein assailing the constitutionality of the following five (5) sections of R.A. 10175:

 

 

SEC. 4. Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

 

(c) Content-related Offenses:

xxx xxx xxx

 

4) Libel. — The unlawful or prohibited acts of libel as defined in Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, committed through a computer system or any other similar means which may be devised in the future.

SEC. 5. Other Offenses. — The following acts shall also constitute an offense:

(a) Aiding or Abetting in the Commission of Cybercrime. – Any person who willfully abets or aids in the commission of any of the offenses enumerated in this Act shall be held liable.

(b) Attempt in the Commission of Cybercrime. — Any person who willfully attempts to commit any of the offenses enumerated in this Act shall be held liable.

SEC. 6. All crimes defined and penalized by the Revised Penal Code, as amended, and special laws, if committed by, through and with the use of information and communications technologies shall be covered by the relevant provisions of this Act: Provided, That the penalty to be imposed shall be one (1) degree higher than that provided for by the Revised Penal Code, as amended, and special laws, as the case may be.

SEC. 7. Liability under Other Laws. — A prosecution under this Act shall be without prejudice to any liability for violation of any provision of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, or special laws.

 

xxx xxx xxx

xxx xxx xxx

SEC. 19. Restricting or Blocking Access to Computer Data. — When a computer data is prima facie found to be in violation of the provisions of this Act, the DOJ shall issue an order to restrict or block access to such computer data.

 

 

15)         On 18 December 2012, Petitioners filed before the Honorable Court a “Motion to Admit Attached Amended Petition” together with the “Amended Petition for Certiorari and Prohibition, with Prayer for the issuance of a writ of Prohibitory Injunction and/ or Temporary Restraining Order.” In the Amended Petition, Petitioners additionally assailed the constitutionality of Sections 4(c)(1) and 4(c)(2)  of R.A. 10175 (underscored portions), as well as Article 355 of the RPC:

 

SEC. 4.Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

 

(c) Content-related Offenses:

 

1) Cybersex. — The willful engagement, maintenance, control, or operation, directly or indirectly, of any lascivious exhibition of sexual organs or sexual activity, with the aid of a computer system, for favor or consideration.

 

(2) Child Pornography. — The unlawful or prohibited acts defined and punishable by Republic Act No. 9775 or the Anti-Child Pornography Act of 2009, committed through a computer system: Provided, That the penalty to be imposed shall be (1) one degree higher than that provided for in Republic Act No. 9775.

 

xxx xxx xxx

xxx xxx xxx

 

 

Art. 355. Libel means by writings or similar means. — A libel committed by means of writing, printing, lithography, engraving, radio, phonograph, painting, theatrical exhibition, cinematographic exhibition, or any similar means, shall be punished by prision correccional in its minimum and medium periods or a fine ranging from 200 to 6,000 pesos, or both, in addition to the civil action which may be brought by the offended party.

 

 

16)         On the instructions of this Honorable Court during the oral arguments in this case conducted on 29 January 2013, Petitioners filed before the Honorable Court on 30 January 2013, a “Motion to Admit the Attached Second Amended Petition” together with the “Second Amended Petition for Certiorari and Prohibition, with Prayer for the issuance of a writ of Prohibitory Injunction and/ or Temporary Restraining Order.”

 

17)         In the Second Amended Petition, Petitioners additionally assailed the constitutionality of Articles 353, 354, 361, and 362 of the RPC, to wit:

 

 

Art. 353. Definition of libel. — A libel is public and malicious imputation of a crime, or of a vice or defect, real or imaginary, or any act, omission, condition, status, or circumstance tending to cause the dishonor, discredit, or contempt of a natural or juridical person, or to blacken the memory of one who is dead.

 

Art. 354. Requirement for publicity. — Every defamatory imputation is presumed to be malicious, even if it be true, if no good intention and justifiable motive for making it is shown, except in the following cases:

1. A private communication made by any person to another in the performance of any legal, moral or social duty; and

2. A fair and true report, made in good faith, without any comments or remarks, of any judicial, legislative or other official proceedings which are not of confidential nature, or of any statement, report or speech delivered in said proceedings, or of any other act performed by public officers in the exercise of their functions.

 

Art. 361. Proof of the truth. — In every criminal prosecution for libel, the truth may be given in evidence to the court and if it appears that the matter charged as libelous is true, and, moreover, that it was published with good motives and for justifiable ends, the defendants shall be acquitted.

Proof of the truth of an imputation of an act or omission not constituting a crime shall not be admitted, unless the imputation shall have been made against Government employees with respect to facts related to the discharge of their official duties.

In such cases if the defendant proves the truth of the imputation made by him, he shall be acquitted.

Art. 362. Libelous remarks. — Libelous remarks or comments connected with the matter privileged under the provisions of Article 354, if made with malice, shall not exempt the author thereof nor the editor or managing editor of a newspaper from criminal liability.

 

 

18)         On 05 February 2013, the Honorable Court issued a Resolution which, inter alia, granted Petitioners’  “Motion to Admit the Attached Second Amended Petition.”

 

 

19)         Hence, Petitioners respectfully file before the Honorable Court this Memorandum raising the following issues.

 

 

iii. issues

 

  1. I.               WHETHER OR NOT R.A. 10175 IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL FOR INFRINGING ON THE CONSTITUIONAL RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION DUE TO ITS OVERBROAD PROVISIONS.

 

 

  1. II.             WHETHER OR NOT R.A. 10175 IS UNCONSTITUIONAL FOR VIOLATING THE DUE PROCESS CLAUSE DUE TO ITS VAGUE PROVISIONS.

 

 

  1. III.          WHETHER OR NOT THE PROVISIONS OF                   R.A. 10175, AS WELL AS ARTICLES 353, 354, 355, 361, AND 362 OF THE RPC— VIOLATE  Philippine state obligations under the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) WTH RESPECT TO THE Un Human Rights Committee view on Adonis v. Republic of the Philippines.

 

 

  1. IV.           WHETHER OR NOT SECTION 4(C)(2) AND SECTION 6 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATE THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE ENSHRINED IN ARTICLE III, SECTION 1, OF THE CONSTITUTION— SINCE THESE PROVISIONS  ARBITRARILY INCREASE THE PENALTY IMPOSED ON “CYBER CHILD PORNOGRAPHY” AND“CYBER LIBEL” AS COMPARED TO THE PENALTY FOR ORDINARY CHILD PORNOGRAPHY AND ORDINARY LIBEL—WITHOUT ANY VALID LEGAL BASIS FOR SUCH A HIGHER PENALTY.  

 

 

  1. V.             WHETHER OR NOT SECTION 7 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATES THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT AGAINST DOUBLE JEOPARDY ENSHRINED IN ARTICLE III, SECTION 21 OF THE CONSTITUTION AS IT PLACES AN ACCUSED IN DOUBLE JEOPARDY. 
  2. VI.           WHETHER OR NOT SECTION 19 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATES THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS AS IT DELEGATES TO THE DOJ WHAT IS PROPERLY A JUDICIAL FUNCTION.

 

 

  1. VII.        WHETHER OR NOT The presumption of constitutionality applies to r.a. 10175.

 

 

  1. VIII.      WHETHER OR NOT PETITIONERS HAVE STANDING TO ASSAIL THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF R.A. 10175 AND CERTAIN PROVISIONS OF THE RPC.

20)         To address the foregoing issues, Petitioners present the following legal arguments.

 

 

iV. legal arguments

 

  1. I.              R.A. 10175 IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL FOR INFRINGING ON THE CONSTITUIONAL RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, SINCE ITS PROVSIONS ARE OVERBROAD CONSEQUENTLY ENCROACHING ON PROTECTED SPEECH.

 

  1. A.            Sections 4(c)(1),  4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 are content based penal provisions.

 

  1. B.             since Sections 4(c)(1),  4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 are content based penal provisions, these are overbroad and subject to facial invalidation. 

 

  1. C.            Sections 4(c)(1),  and 4(c)(2) of R.A. 10175 are void on its face for being so broad as to encompass even constitutionally protected speech.  

 

D. Section 4(c)(4) on “libel” of r.a. 10175,    as well as articles 353, 354, 355, 361, and 362 of the revised penal code are void on its face for being so broad as to encompass even constitutionally protected speech.  

 

 

II. R.A. 10175 IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL FOR VIOLATING THE DUE PROCESS CLAUSE, SINCE ITS PROVISIONS ARE UTTERLY VAGUE.

 

A. section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” section 4(c)(4) on “libel,” and section 5 on “other offenses”— are vague since these cybercrimes were not sufficiently defined so as to be applicable to the complex world of cyberspace.

 

B. moreover, section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” and section 4(c)(4) on “libel” — are vague since these cybercrimes can be committed using “computer systems” that can include anything related to a computer. 

 

 

III. THE PROVISIONS OF  R.A. 10175, AS WELL AS ARTICLES 353, 354, 355, 361, AND 362 OF THE RPC— VIOLATE  Philippine state obligations under the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) WTH RESPECT TO THE Un Human Rights Committee view on Adonis v. Republic of the Philippines.

 

IV. SECTION 4(C)(2) AND SECTION 6 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATE THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE ENSHRINED IN ARTICLE III, SECTION 1, OF THE CONSTITUTION— SINCE THESE PROVISIONS  ARBITRARILY INCREASE THE PENALTY IMPOSED ON “CYBER CHILD PORNOGRAPHY’ AND“CYBER LIBEL” AS COMPARED TO THE PENALTY FOR ORDINARY CHILD PORNOGRAPHY ANDLIBEL—WITHOUT ANY VALID LEGAL BASIS FOR SUCH A HIGHER PENALTY.               

 

 

V. SECTION 7 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATES THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT AGAINST DOUBLE JEOPARDY ENSHRINED IN ARTICLE III, SECTION 21 OF THE CONSTITUTION AS IT PLACES AN ACCUSED IN DOUBLE JEOPARDY. 

 

 

VI. SECTION 19 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATES THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS AS IT DELEGATES TO THE DOJ IS PROPERLY A JUDICIAL FUNCTION.

 

 

VII. The presumption of constitutionality does not apply to r.a. 10175 since it violates constitutionally protected fundamental rights.

 

 

VIII. PETITIONERS HAVE STANDING TO ASSAIL THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF R.A. 10175 AND CERTAIN PROVISIONS OF THE RPC.

                                          

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

V. DISCUSSION

 

 

I. R.A. 10175 IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL FOR INFRINGING ON THE CONSTITUIONAL RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, SINCE ITS PROVSIONS ARE OVERBROAD CONSEQUENTLY ENCROACHING ON PROTECTED SPEECH.

——————————————————

 

21)         R.A. 10175 is unconstitutional for infringing on the Constitutional right to freedom of expression, since its provisions are overbroad consequently encroaching on protected speech.

 

 

22)         Specifically, Sections 4(c)(1),  4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of                    R.A. 10175 are characterized by over-broadness  since these provisions  encroach upon the Constitutional right to freedom of expression.

 

23)         As to how, we discuss in detail below:

 

 

A. Sections 4(c)(1),  4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 are content based penal provisions.

 

 

24)         Sections 4(c)(1), 4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 are content-related offenses committed using computer systems (such as the internet). This is clear from the heading of Section 4(c) of                    R.A. 10175:

 

SEC. 4. Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

(c) Content-related Offenses:

(1) Cybersex. — The willful engagement, maintenance, control, or operation, directly or indirectly, of any lascivious exhibition of sexual organs or sexual activity, with the aid of a computer system, for favor or consideration.

(2) Child Pornography. — The unlawful or prohibited acts defined and punishable by Republic Act No. 9775 or the Anti-Child Pornography Act of 2009, committed through a computer system: Provided, That the penalty to be imposed shall be (1) one degree higher than that provided for in Republic Act No. 9775.

xxx xxx xxx

xxx xxx xxx

 

(4) Libel. — The unlawful or prohibited acts of libel as defined in Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, committed through a computer system or any other similar means which may be devised in the future.

 

(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

 

25)         On a broader perspective, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression has stated that the internet is a key tool for free expression:

 

 

26)         From the heading of Section 4(c) of R.A. 10175, it is clear that Sections 4(c)(1), 4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) are content-related penal provisions.  And content-related offenses necessarily include protected speech.

 

 

B. since Sections 4(c)(1),  4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 are content based penal provisions, these are overbroad and subject to facial invalidation. 

 

 

27)         Consequently, since Sections 4(c)(1), 4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 are overbroad for encroaching on protected speech. These provisions violate the Constitutional right to freedom of expression protected in Section 4, ARTICLE III of the Constitution, to wit:

 

 

Section 4. No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.

 

28)         As held by the Honorable Court in Estrada v. Sandiganbayan,[3] to wit:

 

A facial challenge is allowed to be made to a vague statute and to one which is overbroad because of possible “chilling effect” upon protected speech.  The theory is that “[w]hen statutes regulate or proscribe speech and no readily apparent construction suggests itself as a vehicle for rehabilitating the statutes in a single prosecution, the transcendent value to all society of constitutionally protected expression is deemed to justify allowing attacks on overly broad statutes with no requirement that the person making the attack demonstrate that his own conduct could not be regulated by a statute drawn with narrow specificity.” The possible harm to society in permitting some unprotected speech to go unpunished is outweighed by the possibility that the protected speech of others may be deterred and perceived grievances left to fester because of possible inhibitory effects of overly broad statutes.

 

29)         Moreover, though R.A. 10175 is a penal statute, this should not deter the Honorable Court from facially invalidating Sections 4(c)(1), 4(c)(2), and 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175—since these provisions precisely regulate speech and encroach upon protected speech. Hence, it is apropos to cite the relevant portions of Estrada v. Sandiganbayan,[4] to wit:

 

In sum, the doctrines of strict scrutiny, overbreadth, and vagueness are analytical tools developed for testing “on their faces” statutes in free speech cases or, as they are called in American law, First Amendment cases.  They cannot be made to do service when what is involved is a criminal statute.  With respect to such statute, the established rule is that “one to whom application of a statute is constitutional will not be heard to attack the statute on the ground that impliedly it might also be taken as applying to other persons or other situations in which its application might be unconstitutional.” As has been pointed out, “vagueness challenges in the First Amendment context, like overbreadth challenges typically produce facial invalidation, while statutes found vague as a matter of due process typically are invalidated [only] ‘as applied’ to a particular defendant.” Consequently, there is no basis for petitioner’s claim that this Court review the Anti-Plunder Law on its face and in its entirety.[5] (Emphasis and underscoring supplied. Internal citations omitted.)

 

C. Sections 4(c)(1),  and 4(c)(2) of R.A. 10175 are void on its face for being so broad as to encompass even constitutionally protected speech.  

 

 

30)         Sections 4(c)(1),  and 4(c)(2) of R.A. 10175 are void on its face for being so broad as to encompass even constitutionally protected speech.

 

 

Section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex”

 

31)         Specifically, Section 4(c)(1) of R.A. 10175 on “Cybersex” is overbroad for infringing on Constitutionally protected speech. This provision states that:

 

SEC. 4.Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

 

(c) Content-related Offenses:

 

1) Cybersex. — The willful engagement, maintenance, control, or operation, directly or indirectly, of any lascivious exhibition of sexual organs or sexual activity, with the aid of a computer system, for favor or consideration. (Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

32)         Section 4(c)(1) on “Cybersex” is overbroad since it does not set clearly the lines which divide the permissible exhibition of a sexual organ or engagement in sexual activity. In fact, museums abroad display online, for a fee, certain works of art that depict sexual activities, as shown by the following example:

 

 

Marina Abramović. This is a performance art conducted in the

MoMa.

 

 

33)         Moreover, with respect to the phrase “for favor or consideration” in Section 4(c)(1), what about museums, university websites, research tools online (ex. LexisNexis, JSTOR, SSRN)?

 

 

34)         As the examples provided above show, the language in which the law was coached as far as cybersex is concerned does not provide a reasonable standard for distinguishing between art works with arguably socially redeeming value and pure smut or pornographic sexual activity, or prostitution through the internet.

 

 

35)         Even a  married couple presently living in two different parts of the globe may be prosecuted under this provision for engaging in intimate relations with each other through the simple device of computers with web cameras connected to the Internet; no matter how morally reprehensible such an intimate connection may be to some, it is not the business of the State to pry into  it, as it concerns a matter that pertains only to the privacy of the marriage bed, which is outside any legitimate interest of the State to regulate. The American Supreme Court in Griswold v. Connecticut,[6] held that:

 

NAACP v. Alabama, 377 U.S. 288, 307. Would we allow the police to search the sacred precincts of marital bedrooms for telltale signs of the use of contraceptives? The [p486] very idea is repulsive to 1relationship.

We deal with a right of privacy older than the Bill of Rights — older than our political parties, older than our school system. Marriage is a coming together for better or for worse, hopefully enduring, and intimate to the degree of being sacred. It is an association that promotes a way of life, not causes; a harmony in living, not political faiths; a bilateral loyalty, not commercial or social projects. Yet it is an association for as noble a purpose as any involved in our prior decisions.[7]

 

36)         This Honorable Court may find guidance on this matter in a similar US case of Reno v. American Civil Liberties Union,[8] where the Supreme Court of the United States declared as unconstitutional two (2) provisions of the “Communications Decency Act of 1996” (CDA) which aimed to protect minors from “indecent” and “patently offensive” communications on the Internet. Said the American Supreme Court–

 

“The vagueness of the CDA is a matter of special concern for two reasons. First, the CDA is a content based regulation of speech. The vagueness of such a regulation raises special First Amendment concerns because of its obvious chilling effect on free speech… Second, the CDA is a criminal statute. In addition to the opprobrium and stigma of a criminal conviction, the CDA threatens violators with penalties including up to two years in prison for each act of violation. The severity of criminal sanctions may well cause speakers to remain silent rather than communicate even arguably unlawful words, ideas, and images…. As a practical matter, this increased deterrent effect, coupled with the “risk of discriminatory enforcement” of vague regulations, poses greater First Amendment concerns….”[9]

 

 

37)          Indeed, the cybersex provision in the assailed law, well-meaning it may be, cannot stand constitutional scrutiny inasmuch as by its vagueness, it opens itself to a high risk of discriminatory enforcement.

 

 

D. Section 4(c)(4) on “libel” of r.a. 10175,    as well as articles 353, 354, 355, 361, and 362 of the revised penal code are void on its face for being so broad as to encompass even constitutionally protected speech.  

 

 

38)         Section 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 explicitly refers to Article 355 of the RPC, to wit:

 

SEC. 4. Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

(c) Content-related Offenses:

xxx xxx xxx

xxx xxx xxx

 

(4) Libel. The unlawful or prohibited acts of libel as defined in Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, committed through a computer system or any other similar means which may be devised in the future.

 

(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

 

39)    Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code provides-

 

Libel means by writings or similar means. — A libel committed by means of writing, printing, lithography, engraving, radio, phonograph, painting, theatrical exhibition, cinematographic exhibition, or any similar means, shall be punished by prisioncorreccional in its minimum and medium periods or a fine ranging from 200 to 6,000 pesos, or both, in addition to the civil action which may be brought by the offended party.

 

40)         Consequently, Section 4(c)(4) also refers, by implication, to Articles 353, 354, 361, and 362 of the RPC.

 

 

41)         Libel is defined under Article 353 of the RPC, to wit:

 

Art. 353. Definition of libel. — A libel is public and malicious imputation of a crime, or of a vice or defect, real or imaginary, or any act, omission, condition, status, or circumstance tending to cause the dishonor, discredit, or contempt of a natural or juridical person, or to blacken the memory of one who is dead.

 

 

42)         Petitioners respectfully contend that Article 355, as well as Articles 353, 354, 361, and 362, of the RPC are unconstitutional as these stifle freedom of expression.

43)         Section 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 and Articles 353, 354, 355, 361, and 362 of the RPC—penalize protected speech under established jurisprudence:

 

(a)  Speech wherein truth is a defense; and

(b) Speech comprising of false statements without knowledge that it is false or without utter disregard of its falsity.

 

 

44)         Specifically, Articles 53, 354, 355, 361, and 362, of the RPC are unconstitutional since the plain language of these provisions do not comport with the “actual malice” requirement laid down in New York Times Sullivan which the Philippines adopted in Vazquez v. Court of Appeals, [10] and in Borjal v. Court of Appeals.[11]

 

 

45)         The Honorable Court held in Vazquez v. Court of Appeals,[12] that a false defamatory statement against a public official is protected speech unless “actual malice” is shown, to wit:

 

For that matter, even if the defamatory statement is false, no liability can attach if it relates to official conduct, unless the public official concerned proves that the statement was made with actual malice that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.  This is the gist of the ruling in the landmark case of New York Times v. Sullivan, which this Court has cited with approval in several of its own decisions. This is the rule of “actual malice.” In this case, the prosecution failed to prove not only that the charges made by petitioner were false but also that petitioner made them with knowledge of their falsity or with reckless disregard of whether they were false or not. [13] (Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

46)         On the other hand, the Honorable Court in Borjal v. Court of Appeals,[14] applied the “actual malice” standard in New York Times to public figures as well, to wit:

 

The U. S.  Supreme Court speaking through Mr. Justice William J. Brennan Jr. ruled against Sullivan holding that honest criticisms on the conduct of public officials and public figures are insulated from libel judgments. The guarantees of freedom of speech and press prohibit a public official or public figure from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood relating to his official conduct unless he proves that the statement was made with actual malice, i.e., with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.

The raison d’etre  for the New York Times doctrine was that to require critics of official conduct to guarantee the truth of all their factual assertions on pain of libel judgments would lead to self-censorship, since would-be critics would be deterred from voicing out their criticisms even if such were believed to be true, or were in fact true, because of doubt whether it could be proved or because of fear of the expense of having to prove it.

 

In the present case, we deem private respondent a public figure within the purview of the New York Times ruling. At any rate, we have also defined “public figure” in  Ayers Production Pty., Ltd. v. Capulong as -

x x x x a person who, by his accomplishments, fame, mode of living, or by adopting a profession or calling which gives the public a legitimate interest in his doings, his affairs and his character, has become a ‘public personage.’  He is, in other words, a celebrity.  Obviously, to be included in this category are those who have achieved some degree of reputation by appearing before the public, as in the case of an actor, a professional baseball player, a pugilist, or any other entertainer.  The list is, however, broader than this.  It includes public officers, famous inventors and explorers, war heroes and even ordinary soldiers, infant prodigy, and no less a personage than the Great Exalted Ruler of the lodge.  It includes, in short, anyone who has arrived at a position where the public attention is focused upon him as a person.[15]

(Internal citations omitted)

 

47)         Nevertheless, the RPC does not require the higher standard of “actual malice” for libelous statements concerning public officials and figures.

 

48)         In fact, under Article 354 of the RPC, there is already a presumption of malice—for every defamatory imputation—even if it be true, to wit:

 

Article. 354. Requirement for publicity. — Every defamatory imputation is presumed to be malicious, even if it be true, if no good intention and justifiable motive for making it is shown, except in the following cases:

 

1. A private communication made by any person to another in the performance of any legal, moral or social duty; and

 

2. A fair and true report, made in good faith, without any comments or remarks, of any judicial, legislative or other official proceedings which are not of confidential nature, or of any statement, report or speech delivered in said proceedings, or of any other act performed by public officers in the exercise of their functions.[16]

 

 

49)         For Article 361 of the RPC, though truth is a defense, Article 361 additionally provides that the matter charged must be published with good motives and for justifiable ends, to wit:

 

Art. 361. Proof of the truth. — In every criminal prosecution for libel, the truth may be given in evidence to the court and if it appears that the matter charged as libelous is true, and, moreover, that it was published with good motives and for justifiable ends, the defendants shall be acquitted.

 

Proof of the truth of an imputation of an act or omission not constituting a crime shall not be admitted, unless the imputation shall have been made against Government employees with respect to facts related to the discharge of their official duties.

 

In such cases if the defendant proves the truth of the imputation made by him, he shall be acquitted. [17]

 

 

50)          During the oral arguments on 25 January 2013,                          the Solicitor General, under questioning from Hon. Justice Carpio, conceded that Article 354 of the RPC cannot stand constitutional scrutiny, given jurisprudential developments, by saying that “we agree, your Honor.”

 

51)         By direct implication, neither can Article 361 of the RPC survive a constitutional challenge on the same grounds invalidating                   Article 354.

 

52)         For Article 362 of the RPC, a showing of mere ‘malice’—and not the higher standard of “actual malice”—will already result in criminal liability even for a privileged matter under Article 354, to wit:

 

Art. 362. Libelous remarks. — Libelous remarks or comments connected with the matter privileged under the provisions of Article 354, if made with malice, shall not exempt the author thereof nor the editor or managing editor of a newspaper from criminal liability.

 

 

53)         The Hon. Associate Justice Marvic Mario Victor F. Leonen, in his interpellation of Solicitor General Jardeleza, pointed out that despite prevailing jurisprudence stating the contrary, the cybercrime law still uses the definition of libel found in Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code.

 

54)         To this the Solicitor General replied that the Courts can always read the “actual malice” rule into the provisions of the cybercrime law.

 

55)         Precisely, the Hon. Justice Leonen retorted, doesn’t such fact already raise a question of overbreadth?

 

56)         Indeed, it does, because on its face, the definition of libel found in the cybercrime law is expansive, not to mention that it comes from a provision of the Revised Penal Code already long discredited by the jurisprudence of the Philippine Supreme Court on libel.

 

57)         Hence, Articles 353, 354, 355, 361, and 362, of the RPC are unconstitutional since these only require mere “malice” for libel conviction, while, at the same time, enumerating stringent requirements for libel defense. Consequently, these provisions wantonly disregard the “actual malice” standard adopted in  Vazquez v. Court of Appeals, [18] and in Borjal v. Court of Appeals[19] for public officers and figures.

 

58)         In addition, they are unconstitutional as they do not allow truth as a defense without any further qualification.

 

 

59)         Therefore, the libel provisions in the RPC are unconstitutional, for infringing on the Constitutional right to freedom of expression and for contradicting jurisprudence established by the Honorable Court.

 

 

60)         Moreover, it is clear that any discussion on the constitutionality of the libel provisions in R.A. 10175 cannot be divorced from a serious consideration of the aforementioned libel provisions in the RPC, which are referred to in the former directly or by implication.

 

61)         Indeed, in the proceedings already conducted before this Honorable Court, the Office of the Solicitor General has repeatedly asserted the broad proposition that the use of the internet to commit libel is a qualifying circumstance to the elements of libel described in the RPC, and for which reason it has supported a penalty for online libel that is one degree higher than the penalty for traditional libel.

 

 

62)         Such proposition disregards in one sweep of the hand what this Honorable Court has already recognized as constitutional proscriptions in its rulings in Vazquez v. Court of Appeals, [20] and in Borjal v. Court of Appeals.[21]

 

 

63)         Moreover, mere reliance on libel jurisprudence is not adequate to guarantee freedom of expression. There are instances when mere ‘malice’ standard provided in the RPC— instead of the higher standard of “actual malice”— was applied in order to uphold a conviction of libel targeted against a public figure. This was precisely the situation in Fermin v. People[22] —which was decided despite Borjal v. Court of Appeals,[23] to wit:

It can be gleaned from her testimony that petitioner had the motive to make defamatory imputations against complainants. Thus, petitioner cannot, by simply making a general denial, convince us that there was no malice on her part. Verily, not only was there malice in law, the article being malicious in itself, but there was also malice in fact, as there was motive to talk ill against complainants during the electoral campaign.

Neither can petitioner take refuge in the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech and of the press. Although a wide latitude is given to critical utterances made against public officials in the performance of their official duties, or against public figures on matters of public interest, such criticism does not automatically fall within the ambit of constitutionally protected speech. If the utterances are false, malicious or unrelated to a public officer’s performance of his duties or irrelevant to matters of public interest involving public figures, the same may give rise to criminal and civil liability. While complainants are considered public figures for being personalities in the entertainment business, media people, including gossip and intrigue writers and commentators such as petitioner, do not have the unbridled license to malign their honor and dignity by indiscriminately airing fabricated and malicious comments, whether in broadcast media or in print, about their personal lives. (Internal citations omitted)

 

64)         Such proposition disregards in one sweep of the hand what this Honorable Court has already recognized as constitutional proscriptions in its rulings in Vazquez v. Court of Appeals, [24] and in Borjal v. Court of Appeals.[25]

 

 

65)         In fact, in the United States, various state supreme courts have already declared their respective state libel laws—which only requires malice for libel— as unconstitutional for being incompatible with the New York Times v. Sullivan standard of “actual malice.” These states are shown in the table below:

 

DEFAMATION CASES IN THE UNITED STATES

State

 

Case

Ruling

Alaska George Gottschalk v. State of Alaska

575 P.2d 289

(February 10, 1978)

We decide in this case that Alaska’s criminal defamation statutes are unconstitutionally vague, and therefore overbroad.
Alabama Garfield W. Ivey v. State of Alabama

821 S.2nd 937

(July 06, 2001)

13A-11-163 is unconstitutional because it does not conform with the requirement of New York Times and Garrison.
Arkansas Joseph H. Weston v. State of Arkansas

528 S.W.2d 412, 416

(20 October 1975)

The Arkansas criminal libel statute is unconstitutional under the rulings of the US Supreme Court in New York times v. Sullivan and Garrison v. Louisiana.
California Paul Eberle et al., v. The Municipal Court For The Los Angeles Judicial District Of Los Angeles County

55 Cal. App. 3d at 432-33

(February 19, 1976)

 

That section 250 is unconstitutional because the presumption of “malice” contained therein constitutes one of the elements of the crime and is not constitutionally permissible.

 

That section 251 is unconstitutional because it places the limitations upon the defense of truthfulness to publications “with good motives and for justifiable ends.

 

Section 248 defines “libel” as a “malicious defamation,” and section 249 imposes a penalty for the publication of a “libel” with a “malicious” intent to injure another. These two sections (248 and 249) cannot meet the test of constitutionality, standing alone, as the principal supports of the California criminal libel scheme because (a) Penal Code section 7, subdivision 4 defines “malice” for purposes of these statutes as “a wish to vex, annoy, or injure another person, or an intent to do a wrongful act,” which is prohibited by the Garrison and New York Times rule holding that it is the intent to injure another through falsehood which is constitutional; and (b) once sections 250 and 251 are deleted, there are no guidelines whatsoever to assist the interpretation of the statute in respect to truth or falsity.

Montana State of Montana v. Richard Helfrich

922 P.2d 1159, 1161 & 1163

(9 August 1996)

Accordingly, we determine that s 45-8-212, MCA, is constitutionally overbroad. It violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States Constitution as interpreted by the United States Supreme Court in New York Times and Garrison and Article II, section 7 of the Montana Constitution because, on its face the statute prohibits truthful criticism when not communicated for good motives and justifiable ends.
Pennsylvania Commonwealth v. Armao et al.

(286 A.2d 626, 632)

January 20, 1972

Applying these principles to the statutes underlying appellants’ convictions (Article I, Section 7 will be considered separately infra), we find the legislative scheme inadequate in several areas. The statutory language makes no provision for truth being an absolute defense. Likewise, no recognition is given the reckless disregard and knowing falsity standard mandated by New York Times and Garrison. The Pennsylvania criminal libel statutes are only limited in their application to criticisms of “public officers” or “candidates”, but Rosenbloom clearly extends the First Amendment guarantees in this area to public issues and events of public or general interest. Finally, as New York Times  and Garrison strongly intimate “negligence” is a wholly inappropriate concept in the area of freedom of speech and of the press. Only a knowing falsity or reckless disregard of the truth are actionable in civil defamation. It would violate all sound and fundamental principles of justice to have a merely negligent statement an occasion for the imposition of criminal penalties, and the First Amendment as interpreted by the United States Supreme Court forbids such a result.
South Carolina Fitts et al., v. Kolb

779 F.Supp. 1502

(November 20, 1991)

For the foregoing reasons, the court hereby declares that the South Carolina criminal libel statute, S.C.Code Ann. § 167-150 (Law.Co-op.1976), as presently drafted, is overbroad and vague in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.

 

 

 

66)         This Honorable Court now has a perfect opportunity to make it clear once and for all the constitutionally infirm status of the aforementioned provisions dealing with libel in the RPC.

 

 

II. R.A. 10175 IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL FOR VIOLATING THE DUE PROCESS CLAUSE, SINCE ITS PROVISIONS ARE UTTERLY VAGUE.

————————————————————-

 

67)         The due process clause is enshrined in Section 1,                ARTICLE III of the Constitution, to wit:

 

Section 1. No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of the laws.

 

 

68)         The Honorable Court has held that a penal statute violates the due process clause of the Constitution if it is vague— which is also known as the “void for vagueness” doctrine. As held by the Honorable Court in Estrada v. Sandiganbayan[26] citing People v. Nazario:

 

A statute or act may be said to be vague when it lacks comprehensible standards that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ in its application.   In such  instance, the statute is repugnant to the Constitution in two (2) respects – it violates due process for failure to accord persons, especially the parties targeted by it, fair notice of what conduct to avoid; and, it leaves law enforcers unbridled discretion in carrying out its provisions and becomes an arbitrary flexing of the Government muscle.[27]

 

 

69)         Moreover, a law is void on its face for vagueness if persons of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application.[28] The more important aspect of the vagueness doctrine is not actual notice, but the other principal element of the doctrine—the requirement that legislatures place reasonably clear guidelines for law enforcement officials and triers of fact in order to prevent arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement.[29]

 

 

70)         Given the vagueness of the language in which the assailed provisions of the law was coached, and the lack of such clear guidelines in the assailed law, such provisions are highly susceptible to official abuse.

 

 

A. section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” section 4(c)(4) on “libel,” and section 5 on “other offenses”— are vague since these cybercrimes were not sufficiently defined so as to be applicable to the complex world of cyberspace.

 

 

71)         There are realities in the physical world that cannot be automatically carried over to the more complex cyberspace.

 

 

72)         And Section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” Section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” Section 4(c)(4) on “libel,” and Section 5 on “other offenses” of R.A. 10175— are vague since these cybercrimes were not sufficiently defined so as to be applicable to the complex world of cyberspace.

 

73)         These provisions of R.A. 10175 are utterly vague as these sections lack comprehensible standards to guide the authorities and citizens as to what acts constitute “cybersex,” “child pornography,” “libel,” “aiding or abetting in the commission of cybercrime,” or “attempt in the commission of cybercrime.”

 

 

Section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex”

 

74)         R.A. 10175 defines “cybersex” in Section 4(c)(1) as:

 

SEC. 4. Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

(c) Content-related Offenses:

(1) Cybersex. — The willful engagement, maintenance, control, or operation, directly or indirectly, of any lascivious exhibition of sexual organs or sexual activity, with the aid of a computer system, for favor or consideration.

xxx xxx xxx

 

(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

 

75)         “Cybersex” as penalized under the law has not been sufficiently defined. A citizen is left guessing as what, to cite an example, an indirect willful engagement in sexual activity with the aid of a computer, for favor or consideration, would be. Neither is he sufficiently informed as to what may constitute direct control of any lascivious exhibition of sexual organs with the aid of a computer, for favor or consideration, These acts are penalized under the law and the citizens are not afforded fair notice to allow them to refrain from engaging in such acts.

 

76)         What constitutes a “lascivious” conduct under this provision is not specifically defined and leaves both the citizen and the law enforcer guessing; no clear standards are given for the determination of cybersex.

 

77)         The same problem raised for overbreadth also arises in vagueness:  what may well be legitimate intimate relations conducted through the internet  between couples presently found in different parts of the globe  may be subjected to prosecution for the simple reason that such relations involve sexual activity.

 

 

Section 4(c)(4) on “libel”

 

 

78)         R.A. 10175 defines “libel” in Section 4(c)(4) as:

 

SEC. 4. Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

(c) Content-related Offenses:

xxx xxx xxx

xxx xxx xxx

 

(4) Libel. — The unlawful or prohibited acts of libel as defined in Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, committed through a computer system or any other similar means which may be devised in the future.

(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

79)         In the context of cyberspace, “libel” is very difficult to determine since there are many actors in cyberspace. To illustrate, in an alleged “libel” conducted in cyberspace, the possible actors are:

a)        the blogger;

b)       the blog service provider;

c)        the internet service provider (ISP);

d)       the person who favorable comments in the blog; and

e)        the person who posts a link to the blog site.

f)         the owner of the social networking site;

g)       the search engine (ex. Google, Yahoo);

h)       the telecommunications company;

i)         the cyber café owner.

80)         Now which of these possible actors above are criminally liable for “libel” under Section 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175? The law as it stands does not provide a clear answer.

 

 

81)         Moreover, who is criminally liable for “aiding or abetting in the commission of libel”? Is the owner of an internet café where the alleged cyber libel took place criminally liable for such crime? Is the mere posting of a blog allegedly carrying a libelous statement in cyberspace already considered “aiding or abetting in the commission of libel”?

 

 

82)         In fact, in  the physical world, the criminal liability for libel are clearly provided for in Article 360 of the Revised Penal Code (RPC), to wit:

Section Two. — General provisions

Art. 360. Persons responsible. — Any person who shall publish, exhibit, or cause the publication or exhibition of any defamation in writing or by similar means, shall be responsible for the same.

The author or editor of a book or pamphlet, or the editor or business manager of a daily newspaper, magazine or serial publication, shall be responsible for the defamations contained therein to the same extent as if he were the author thereof.

The criminal and civil action for damages in cases of written defamations as provided for in this chapter, shall be filed simultaneously or separately with the court of first instance of the province or city where the libelous article is printed and first published or where any of the offended parties actually resides at the time of the commission of the offense: Provided, however, That where one of the offended parties is a public officer whose office is in the City of Manila at the time of the commission of the offense, the action shall be filed in the Court of First Instance of the City of Manila, or of the city or province where the libelous article is printed and first published, and in case such public officer does not hold office in the City of Manila, the action shall be filed in the Court of First Instance of the province or city where he held office at the time of the commission of the offense or where the libelous article is printed and first published and in case one of the offended parties is a private individual, the action shall be filed in the Court of First Instance of the province or city where he actually resides at the time of the commission of the offense or where the libelous matter is printed and first published: Provided, further, That the civil action shall be filed in the same court where the criminal action is filed and vice versa: Provided, furthermore, That the court where the criminal action or civil action for damages is first filed, shall acquire jurisdiction to the exclusion of other courts: And, provided, finally, That this amendment shall not apply to cases of written defamations, the civil and/or criminal actions which have been filed in court at the time of the effectivity of this law.

Preliminary investigation of criminal action for written defamations as provided for in the chapter shall be conducted by the provincial or city fiscal of the province or city, or by the municipal court of the city or capital of the province where such action may be instituted in accordance with the provisions of this article.

No criminal action for defamation which consists in the imputation of a crime which cannot be prosecuted de oficio shall be brought except at the instance of and upon complaint expressly filed by the offended party. (As amended by R.A. 1289, approved June 15, 1955, R.A. 4363, approved June 19, 1965).

 

83)         Nevertheless, unlike the RPC, Section 4(c)(4) is totally devoid of any identification as to who is/are criminally liable for “libel” in cyberspace. And this lack of specific identification as to who are criminally liable for “libel” in cyberspace is dangerous since it is a freer and most accessible medium compared to traditional media; the immediacy of this new medium cannot be overstated.

 

84)         Indeed, there is also the matter pointed to by                           the Hon.  Associate Justice Antonio T. Carpio in his interpellation of the Hon. Solicitor General Francis Jardeleza during the oral arguments last 29 January 2013:  the fact that under the cybercrime law, libel may be committed by a “standalone” computer.

 

85)         The Hon. Justice Carpio was referring to the definition of “computer systems” in Section 3(g) of the law, which states that:

“(g) Computer system refers to any device or group of interconnected or related devices, one or more of which, pursuant to a program, performs automated processing of data. It covers any type of device with data processing capabilities including, but not limited to, computers and mobile phones. The device consisting of hardware and software may include input, output and storage components which may stand alone or be connected in a network or other similar devices. It also includes computer data storage devices or media” (Emphasis supplied)

 

 

86)         The Hon. Justice Carpio asked the Solicitor General what kind of libel is committed if the offending article is made on a computer printout. To this, Solicitor General Jardeleza replied: “it is ordinary libel.”

 

 

87)         The Hon. Justice Carpio then asked him what will be applicable in the case where the offending material is instead emailed. According to the Solicitor General, this will be considered online libel.

 

 

88)         But the Hon. Justice Carpio pointed out that by the definition of computer systems found in the law, a computer printout  can be considered libel using an ICT, and therefore subject to prosecution under the new cybercrime law.

 

 

89)         In fact, the Hon. Justice Carpio noted that the law does not require that the computer system be connected to the internet for a crime to be considered falling under its purview, because the above provision states that a libel may be committed through the use of a device consisting of hardware and software which may include input, output and storage components and which may stand alone.

 

 

90)         Indeed, most modern newspaper editorial offices utilize a network of interconnected computers. Thus, by the terms of the new cybercrime law, newspapers may be sued for libel in two ways: online or traditional.

 

91)         Hence, if Article 360 of the RPC provides for specific ways of determining criminally liability for libel in the traditional media, with more reason should Section 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 provide for specific ways of determining libel for a porous space such as cyberspace. Unfortunately R.A. 10175 fails to do so.

 

 

92)         The American Supreme Court has repeatedly stressed the principle that “a governmental purpose to control or prevent activities constitutionally subject [to] regulation may not be achieved by means which sweep unnecessarily broadly and thereby invade the area of protected freedoms.”[30]

 

 

93)         Because R.A. 10175 has no clear indicators as to who might be prosecuted for cyber libel, it runs the risk of being applied in a sweeping and arbitrary manner; for this reason, it arouses the fear among citizens that anything they say or do online, especially on social networking sites, may be held to be criminal in nature; the result is the voluntary suppression of a robust public discussion on public issues.

 

 

 

Section 5 on “(a) Aiding or Abetting in the Commission of Cybercrime” and “(b) Attempt in the Commission of Cybercrime”                                                                                                                       

 

 

94)         R.A. 10175 defines “other offenses” in Section 5 as:

 

SEC. 5. Other Offenses. — The following acts shall also constitute an offense:

(a) Aiding or Abetting in the Commission of Cybercrime. – Any person who willfully abets or aids in the commission of any of the offenses enumerated in this Act shall be held liable.

(b) Attempt in the Commission of Cybercrime. — Any person who willfully attempts to commit any of the offenses enumerated in this Act shall be held liable.

(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

 

95)         Section 5 is vague since “aiding or abetting” and “attempt” are not defined in RA 10175.

 

96)         More importantly, Section 5 is vague since one cannot know whether the offense of “(a) Aiding or Abetting in the Commission of Cybercrime” refers to “aiding or abetting” in the physical world or “aiding or abetting” in cyberspace. The same situation holds for “(b) Attempt in the Commission of Cybercrime.”

 

97)         To illustrate, we use the example of the cyber offense of “cybersex.” There is obvious doubt as to who among the following are liable for aiding or abetting in the Commission of “cybersex”:

 

(a) in the Physical world- those who provided the women to an internet prostitution ring; and/or

 

(b) in Cyberspace- the blogger who posts a link of the cybersex website, the blog service provider, the internet service provider.

 

98)         Hence, there is a need for Section 5 to specify whether “aiding or abetting” and “attempt” are acts that are committed in cyberspace or whether these are committed in the physical world. If “aiding or abetting” and “attempt” are acts committed in cyberspace, then Section 5 of R.A. 10175 has to identify who are liable for such acts according to the different actors in cyberspace, such as:

 

(a)  the blogger;

(b) the blog service provider;

(c)  the internet service provider (ISP);

(d)          the person who posts a link to an allegedly offensive website.

 

 

99)         Moreover, the Hon. Associate Justice Bienvenido L. Reyes said in his interpellation of the Hon. Solicitor General, that in the Revised Penal Code, an attempted felony always involves an overt act; in the cybercrime law however, an attempted crime is not defined.

 

100)     The Hon. Justice Reyes was evidently referring to Art. 6 (2) of the Revised Penal Code, which provides that:

 

“Art. 6. Consummated, frustrated, and attempted felonies. — Consummated  felonies as well as those which are frustrated and attempted, are punishable.

 

A felony is consummated when all the elements necessary for its execution  and accomplishment are present; and it is frustrated when the offender  performs all the acts of execution which would produce the felony as a  consequence but which, nevertheless, do not produce it by reason of causes  independent of the will of the perpetrator.

 

There is an attempt when the offender commences the commission of a  felony directly or over acts, and does not perform all the acts of execution  which should produce the felony by reason of some cause or accident other than this own spontaneous desistance.(Emphasis supplied)

 

 

B. moreover, section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” and section 4(c)(4) on “libel” — are vague since these cybercrimes can be committed using “computer systems” that can include anything related to a computer. 

101)     Moreover, Section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” Section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” and Section 4(c)(4) on “libel”—  are vague since these crimes can be committed using “computer systems” that can include anything related to a computer.

 

102)     Section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” Section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” and Section 4(c)(4) on “libel”— are all committed through a “computer system,” to wit:

 

SEC. 4. Cybercrime Offenses. — The following acts constitute the offense of cybercrime punishable under this Act:

(c) Content-related Offenses:

(1) Cybersex. — The willful engagement, maintenance, control, or operation, directly or indirectly, of any lascivious exhibition of sexual organs or sexual activity, with the aid of a computer system, for favor or consideration.

(2) Child Pornography. — The unlawful or prohibited acts defined and punishable by Republic Act No. 9775 or the Anti-Child Pornography Act of 2009, committed through a computer system: Provided, That the penalty to be imposed shall be (1) one degree higher than that provided for in Republic Act No. 9775.

xxx xxx xxx

xxx xxx xxx

 

(4) Libel. — The unlawful or prohibited acts of libel as defined in Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, committed through a computer system or any other similar means which may be devised in the future.

 

(Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

103)     And “computer system” as defined in Section 3(g) of          R.A. 10175 refers to anything under the sun that concerns computers, to wit:

 

SEC. 3. Definition of Terms. — For purposes of this Act, the following terms are hereby defined as follows:

 

xxx xxx xxx

 

(g) Computer system refers to any device or group of interconnected or related devices, one or more of which, pursuant to a program, performs automated processing of data. It covers any type of device with data processing capabilities including, but not limited to, computers and mobile phones. The device consisting of hardware and software may include input, output and storage components which may stand alone or be connected in a network or other similar devices. It also includes computer data storage devices or media. (Emphasis and underscoring supplied)

 

104)     It is clear from the definition that a “computer system” does not have to be connected to the internet, since it “may stand alone.”This was pointed out during the oral arguments by the Hon. Justice Carpio.

 

 

105)     Further, from the definition of “computer system“ in Section 3(g), it covers “any type of device with data processing capabilities,” and also includes “computer data storage devices or media.” Clearly, the definition of “computer system” is so encompassing that it can cover any devices with data processing capabilities such as a fax machine, a printer, a scanner, a DVD player, an MP3 player, or even a scientific calculator.  Moreover, the definition of “computer system” is so encompassing that it can cover any computer data storage device or media such as a flash disk, a hard drive, an external hard drive, and even the so-called “cloud.”

 

106)     Hence, the definition of “computer systems” under Section 3(g) of R.A. 10175 is so encompassing, that almost any electronic device is covered. Consequently, this additionally makes Section 4(c)(1) on “cybersex,” Section 4(c)(2) on “child pornography,” and Section 4(c)(4) on “libel”—  vague since these crimes can be committed using “computer systems” that can include any electronic device.

 

 

III. THE PROVISIONS OF                   R.A. 10175, AS WELL AS ARTICLES 353, 354, 355, 361, AND 362 OF THE RPC— VIOLATE  Philippine state obligations under the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) WTH RESPECT TO THE Un Human Rights Committee view on Adonis v. Republic of the Philippines.

——————————————————

 

 

107)     The United Nations Human Rights Committee recently declared that the Revised Penal Code’s provisions penalizing libel is “incompatible with Article 19, paragraph three of the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights,” which pertains to the freedom of expression.[31]

 

108)      Recalling its General Comment No. 34, the UN body stressed that defamations laws should not stifle freedom of expression. It also emphasized that “imprisonment is never an appropriate penalty.”

 

109)     At present, the penalty for libel under Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code may include imprisonment by prision correccional in its minimum and medium periods, in addition to or in lieu of a fine. It is clear that one prosecuted for libel under the said law may face imprisonment which is in stark contrast to the assertion of the UN HRC that “imprisonment is never an appropriate penalty.”

 

110)     Moreover, the UN HRC reiterated that “(P)enal defamation laws should include defense of truth,” and that:

 

“xxx At least with regard to comments about public figures, consideration should be given to avoiding penalizing or otherwise rendering unlawful untrue statements that have been published in error but without  malice. In any event, a public interest in the subject matter of the criticism should be recognized as a defence…. State parties should consider the decriminalization of defamation…..”[32]

 

 

111)     The UNHRC’s view was expressed in connection with a complaint filed with it by Davao City broadcast journalist Alexander Adonis, who spent two years in jail after he was convicted of libeling former Speaker of the House Prospero Nograles.

 

112)     Adonis’s crime was reading and dramatizing over his popular radio program a news report that then Congressman Nograles was seen running naked in the corridors of a hotel in the city after he was caught in bed by the husband of the woman who was said to the legislator’s mistress. The incident entered the collective memory of the citizens of Davao City as the “Burlesque King” scandal.

 

 

113)     After serving two years in prison Adonis questioned before the UNHRC, among other things,  whether criminal libel is compatible with the freedom of expression protected  under Art 19 of the ICCPR, to which the Philippines is a state party.

 

114)     And the UNHRC‘s answer is a resounding no.

 

115)     Again, to reiterate, in ruling in favor of Adonis, the UN HRC ruled that Philippine criminal libel law was inconsistent with freedom of expression. The UN HRC recalled its General Comment No. 34 which reads: “Defamations laws should not   x xx stifle freedom of expression. … Penal defamation laws should include defense of truth…”

 

 

116)     Nevertheless, under article 354 of the RPC, truth is not a defense in a libel case.  Clearly, Article 354 of the RPC conflicts with the view of the UNHRC in Adonis v. Philippines that “…penal defamation laws should include defense of truth…”

 

 

117)     Further, although Article 361 of the RPC provides for truth as a defense, nevertheless, Article 361 additionally provides that the matter charged must be published with good motives and for justifiable ends.

 

 

118)     Moreover, under Article 362 of the RPC, a showing of mere ‘malice’ will still result in criminal liability even for a privileged matter under Article 354.

 

 

119)     Consequently, Articles 354, 361, and 362 of the RPC conflict with the Adonis v. Philippines UNHRC view.

 

 

120)     Moreover, Articles 354, 361, and 362 of the RPC also conflict with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). As stated in General Comment No. 34 of the UNHRC issued in regards to Article 19 of the ICCPR, truth should be a defense in libel laws, to wit:

 

47. Defamation laws must be crafted with care to ensure that they comply with paragraph 3, and that they do not serve, in practice, to stifle freedom of expression.All such laws, in particular penal defamation laws, should include such defences as the defence of truth and they should not be applied with regard to those forms of expression that are not, of their nature, subject to verification. At least with regard to comments about public figures, consideration should be given to avoiding penalizing or otherwise rendering unlawful untrue statements that have been published in error but without malice. In any event, a public interest in the subject matter of the criticism should be recognized as a defence. Care should be taken by States parties to avoid excessively punitive measures and penalties. Where relevant, States parties should place reasonable limits on the requirement for a defendant to reimburse the expenses of the successful party. States parties should consider the decriminalization of defamation and, in any case, the application of the criminal law should only be countenanced in the most serious of cases and imprisonment is never an appropriate penalty. It is impermissible for a State party to indict a person for criminal defamation but then not to proceed to trial expeditiously – such a practice has a chilling effect that may unduly restrict the exercise of freedom of expression of the person concerned and others.[33](Emphasis and underscoring supplied. Internal citations omitted)

 

121)     In addition, according to its General Comment No. 34, on the question of comments about public figures, consideration should be given to avoiding penalties or otherwise rendering unlawful untrue statements that have been published in error but without malice. “In any event,” as stated in the General Comment, “…a public interest in the subject matter of the criticism should be recognized as a defence…..State parties should consider the decriminalization of defamation….”

 

 

122)     The UNHRC is a treaty monitoring body created under an optional protocol to the ICCPR with the power to declare that a State party to the Convention is in breach of its obligations under the covenant.

 

123)     The Adonis View is evidence of a breach of Philippine state obligations under international law.

 

 

124)     Under the 1987 Constitution, the Philippines adopts the generally accepted principles of international law which therefore form part of the law of the land. It is also axiomatic that all treaties are binding on the State party ratifying the same and must be performed by them in good faith.[34]

 

 

125)     As a State party to the ICCPR, the Philippines has bound itself to fulfill the obligations under the Covenant. The relevant provision of the ICCPR reads:

 

Article 2 

 

1. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to respect and to ensure to all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the present Covenant, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

 

2. Where not already provided for by existing legislative or other measures, each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to take the necessary steps, in accordance with its constitutional processes and with the provisions of the present Covenant, to adopt such laws or other measures as may be necessary to give effect to the rights recognized in the present Covenant.

 

3. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes:

 

(a) To ensure that any person whose rights or freedoms as herein recognized are violated shall have an effective remedy, notwithstanding that the violation has been committed by persons acting in an official capacity;

 

(b) To ensure that any person claiming such a remedy shall have his right thereto determined by competent judicial, administrative or legislative authorities, or by any other competent authority provided for by the legal system of the State, and to develop the possibilities of judicial remedy;

 

(c) To ensure that the competent authorities shall enforce such remedies when granted. “

 

126)     Treaties such as the Covenant become part of the law of the land through transformation pursuant to the Constitution which provides that “no treaty or international agreement shall be valid and effective unless concurred in by at least two-thirds of all the members of the Senate.”[35]

 

127)     The Covenant and the Optional Protocol is such a treaty as it has been concurred in by at least two-thirds of all the members of Senate. Therefore the duties and obligations found under the Covenant are State obligations that form part of the “law of the land.” Therefore by the force of the Constitution, both the Covenant and the Optional Protocol to the Covenant are “valid and effective” under the doctrine of transformation and form part of domestic law.[36]

 

 

128)     However even under the doctrine of incorporation these obligations continue to be valid and subsisting, as they form part of customary international law. As stated:

 

Generally accepted principles of international law, by virtue of the incorporation clause of the Constitution, form part of the laws of the land even if they do not derive from treaty obligations. The classical formulation in international law sees those customary rules accepted as binding result from the combination [of] two elements: the established, widespread, and consistent practice on the part of States; and a psychological element known as the opinion jurissive necessitates (opinion as to law or necessity). Implicit in the latter element is a belief that the practice in question is rendered obligatory by the existence of a rule of law requiring it. (Emphasis supplied)”[37]

 

….

 

Generally accepted principles of international law” refers to norms of general or customary international law which are binding on all states, i.e., renunciation of war as an instrument of national policy, the principle of sovereign immunity, a person’s right to life, liberty and due process, and pacta sunt servanda, among others. The concept of “generally accepted principles of law” has also been depicted in this wise…”

 

 

129)     The Philippines therefore has the obligation to carry out the obligations under the Covenant as interpreted and decided by the UNHRC, itself an organ created under the Covenant which is a duly ratified treaty.[38]

 

 

130)     The Philippines recognized that the UNHRC is competent to make such findings when it ratified the Optional Protocol to the Covenant on 22 August 1989. Therefore like any international instrument or treaty, this recognition is valid and effective and constitutes even more reason to accord great weight and validity to these findings of a breach of an international obligation under the Covenant.

 

131)     The rules and standards laid down in the ICCPR and the Optional Protocol are indeed valid and effective because such was transformed by the concurrence to both instruments by the Philippine Senate as required by Article VII Section 21 of the Constitution.

 

132)     Again, under the 1987 Philippine Constitution:

 

Section 2. The Philippines renounces war as an instrument of national policy, adopts the generally accepted principles of international law as part of the law of the land and adheres to the policy of peace, equality, justice, freedom, cooperation and amity with all nations.[39] (Emphasis supplied)

 

 

133)     One of the generally accepted principles of international law is pacta sunt servanda.[40] State parties must comply with their treaty obligations in good faith. The Philippines has to comply with its treaty obligations in good faith, and at least take steps to fulfill these obligations. Under the doctrine of incorporation, the principle of pacta sunt servanda forms part of municipal law.

 

134)     After recognizing the Committee’s competence in matters regarding the obligations under the Covenant, the Philippines therefore has the obligation to exert reasonable efforts to fulfill obligations under the Covenant, part and parcel of which is Philippine compliance with the views of the Committee.

 

135)     Therefore, the View of the UNHRC in Adonis v. The Philippines assailing criminal libel in the RPC forms part of the law of the land, and the Philippines has an obligation to abide by the said View.

 

 

IV. SECTION 4(C)(2) AND SECTION 6 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATE THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE ENSHRINED IN ARTICLE III, SECTION 1, OF THE CONSTITUTION— SINCE THESE PROVISIONS  ARBITRARILY INCREASE THE PENALTY IMPOSED ON “CYBER CHILD PORNOGRAPHY’ AND“CYBER LIBEL” AS COMPARED TO THE PENALTY FOR ORDINARY CHILD PORNOGRAPHY ANDLIBEL—WITHOUT ANY VALID LEGAL BASIS FOR SUCH A HIGHER PENALTY.                                                          ————————————————–

 

 

136)     Sections 4(c)(2) and6 of R.A. 10175 violate the equal protection clause enshrined in Article III, Section 1 of the Constitution—since it arbitrarily increases the penalty imposed on “cyber child pornography” and“cyberlibel” compared to ordinary libel—without any valid legal basis for such a higher penalty.

 

137)     Section 6(c)(2) of RA 10175 increased by one degree the penalty for the unlawful or prohibited acts defined and punishable by Republic Act No. 9775 or the Anti-Child Pornography Act of 2009, committed through a computer system.

 

138)     There is no rational basis for considering child pornography committed through a computer system a different class from that committed through the means defined by R.A. 9775. This is a violation of the equal protection clause.

 

139)     Section 6 of R.A. 10175 also increased the penalty for cyber libel to prision mayor from the current prision correctional for ordinary libel provided under the RPC, to wit:

SEC. 6. All crimes defined and penalized by the Revised Penal Code, as amended, and special laws, if committed by, through and with the use of information and communications technologies shall be covered by the relevant provisions of this Act: Provided, That the penalty to be imposed shall be one (1) degree higher than that provided for by the Revised Penal Code, as amended, and special laws, as the case may be.

 

140)     This means that cyber libel is now punished with imprisonment from 6 years and one day to up to 12 years, while those convicted for ordinary libel under the RPC are subject to imprisonment only from 6 months and one day to four years and two months.

 

141)     And because parole, a means by which a convict may be spared from actual imprisonment, may be granted only to those sentenced to serve a prison term for no more than 6 months and one day, anyone convicted for cyber libel will inevitably serve a prison term.

 

142)     And because the Philippines leads the rest of the world in terms of Facebook and Twitter usage, this means that unlike ordinary libel complaints which are oftentimes brought against printed newspapers, given the element of publication, any user of these leading social media tools is now liable for prosecution since the fact that an allegedly libelous writing appeared on the internet is already sufficient to prove the element of publication.

 

143)     The Office of the Solicitor General, during the oral arguments last 29 January 2013, claimed the opposite: that is, that the penalty for traditional libel is the same for cyberlibel.

 

144)     However, as the Hon. Associate Justice Teresita J. Leonardo-De Castro pointed out in reaction to the Hon. Solicitor General’s claim, this assertion is not reflected in the law, as it does not say that libel will not be included in the section of the law providing for the application of penalties.

 

145)     The Hon. Associate Justice Diosdado M. Peralta agreed with this point raised by the Hon. Justice De Castro, saying that  internet is just a means of committing the crime but Sec. 6 of the cybercrime law uses it as a qualifying circumstance as it increases the penalty.

 

146)     Thus, it is clear that there is no legal basis for putting cyber libel in a different class from ordinary libel. This is a clear violation of the equal protection clause.

 

147)     In Adonis vs. Republic of the Philippines,  the UNHRC declared that the imprisonment imposed on Mr. Adonis for libel under the Philippine Revised Penal Code is “incompatible with Article 19, paragraph three of the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights,”or freedom of expression. 

 

148)     Further, in Adonis vs. Republic of the Philippines, the UNHRC expressed that the Philippines is “also under an obligation to take steps to prevent similar violations occurring in the future, including by reviewing the relevant libel legislation.”

 

 

149)      Nevertheless, despite the UNHRC View that Philippine criminal libel is incompatible with Article 19 of the ICCPR on freedom of expression, the Philippines still included “libel” in its new Cybercrime law.

 

150)     Worse, this new Cybercrime law increased the penalty for cyber libel to prision mayor from the current prision correctional provided under the Revised Penal Code (RPC) for traditional libel, which now removes it from the contemplation of the provisions on parole and probation under the same Code.

 

151)     This in turn enlarges the prescription period for libel.

 

152)     Hence, the inclusion of libel in Section 4(c)(4) of R.A. 10175 is a clear violation of the Philippines’ treaty obligation under Article 19 of the ICCPR.

 

 

 

V. SECTION 7 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATES THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT AGAINST DOUBLE JEOPARDY ENSHRINED IN ARTICLE III, SECTION 21 OF THE CONSTITUTION AS IT PLACES AN ACCUSED IN DOUBLE JEOPARDY. 

——————————————————

 

153)     Section 7 of R.A. 10175 provides that:

 

SEC. 7.Liability under Other Laws. — A prosecution under this Act shall be without prejudice to any liability for violation of any provision of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, or special laws.

xxx xxx xxx

xxx xxx xxx

 

 

154)     Section 7 of R.A. 10175 is a clear violation of the right against double jeopardy in Article III, Section 21 of the Constitution, to wit:

 

Section 21.No person shall be twice put in jeopardy of punishment for the same offense. If an act is punished by a law and an ordinance, conviction or acquittal under either shall constitute a bar to another prosecution for the same act.

 

 

155)     This is because under Section 7 of R.A. 10175, an accused under the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012, can also be an accused under the RPC.

 

156)     And this danger of double jeopardy is best illustrated in this wise, in this day and age when print newspapers now also come out with their online versions:.

 

157)     In the case of Petitioners Tordesillas, Roque and Bagares,  the print publications they write for also have an online presence; more often than not,  their columns see publication in both the print and the online versions of the papers they write for. Thus, they can be charged and tried for ordinary libel under the RPC and for cyber libel under the assailed law for the same column. . This is a clear violation of the right against double jeopardy.

 

158)     The high probability that s/he may be charged and imprisoned twice for the same offense produces a “chilling effect”  on any journalist.

 

159)     Any such “chilling effect” constitutes prior restraint on free expression.

 

160)     The Hon. Justice Carpio, during the oral arguments of                29 January 2013, illustrated this by noting that on page 96 of the Office of the Solicitor General’s Comment to the petitions, it made the point that the second sentence of Section 6 of the assailed law effectively makes the commission of a crime with the use of ICT a qualifying circumstance.

 

161)     According to him, if applied to estafa, using the ICT, the elements remain the same, only that this time around, it is committed using the ICT.

 

162)     The problem in the interpretation of the Office of the Solicitor General is that by making the use of an ICT as a qualifying circumstance, it opens the possibility of an Accused who uses computer technology in committing a crime being prosecuted twice; the first one, through the traditional understanding of the crime, and the second, through the application of the cybercrime law.

 

 

 

VI. SECTION 19 OF R.A. 10175 VIOLATES THE CONSTITUTIONAL

PRINCIPLE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS AS IT DELEGATES TO THE DOJ IS PROPERLY A JUDICIAL FUNCTION.

——————————————————

 

163)     Section 19 of R.A. 10175 provides that:

 

SEC. 19.Restricting or Blocking Access to Computer Data. —When a computer data is prima facie found to be in violation of the provisions of this Act, the DOJ shall issue an order to restrict or block access to such computer data.

 

164)     First, the power to issue an order to restrict or block access to computer data is a judicial function. Nevertheless, Section 19 of R.A. 10175 delegates a judicial function to the DOJ—which is under the Executive Department.

 

165)     Second, Section 19 of R.A. 10175 impliedly delegates to the DOJ a judicial function— the determination of whether or not a computer data is prima facie found to be in violation of the provisions of this Act. Again, such a function is essentially judicial in character. Hence, Section 19 of R.A. 10175 clearly violates the constitutional principle of separation of powers.

 

166)     The Office of the Solicitor General admitted during oral arguments that the standard to be used is “due cause”, which standard is met by a mere complaint.

 

167)     According to the Hon. Associate Justice Mariano C.              Del Castillo, even such standard is not defined, such that the power of the government to collect data is subject to abuse, because of the wide discretion that such an undefined concept allows.

 

168)     The Hon. Chief Justice Maria Lourdes P.A. Sereno is even more emphatic, saying that this is the first time the Court has encountered such an animal (“due cause”).

 

 

 

 

VII. The presumption of constitutionality does not apply to r.a. 10175 since it violates constitutionally protected fundamental rights.

——————————————————

 

 

169)     The presumption of constitutionality does not apply to R.A. 10175 since it violates Constitutionally-protected fundamental rights, namely the right to freedom of speech, of expression, and of the press.

 

170)     The Honorable Court has held in Social Weather Station, Inc. v. COMELEC,[41] that due to the preferred status of the constitutional rights of speech, expression, and of the press, a law that imposes a prior restraint on said rights is vitiated by a weighty presumption of invalidity,  to wit:

….Because of the preferred status of the constitutional rights of speech, expression, and the press, such a measure is vitiated by a weighty presumption of invalidity.Indeed, “any system of prior restraints of expression comes to this Court bearing a heavy presumption against its constitutional validity. . . . The Government ‘thus carries a heavy burden of showing justification for the enforcement of such restraint.’”There is thus a reversal of the normal presumption of validity that inheres in every legislation.(Emphasis supplied, internal citations omitted)[42]

 

171)     The Honorable Court has even held in Ople v. Torres[43] that when the integrity of a  fundamental right is at stake, it will give the challenged law a stricter scrutiny, and that in case of doubt, the Court will lean towards a stance that will not put in danger the rights protected by the Constitution, to wit:

 

….And we now hold that when the integrity of a  fundamental right is at stake, this court will give the challenged law, administrative order, rule or regulation a stricter scrutiny. .. This approach is demanded by the 1987 Constitution whose entire matrix is designed to protect human rights and to prevent authoritarianism.  In case of doubt, the least we can do is to lean towards the stance that will not put in danger the rights protected by the Constitution. (Emphasis by the Honorable Court, italics supplied)[44]

 

172)     Also, the Honorable Court has stated as far back as Ermita-Malate Hotel and Motel Operators Association, Inc. v. City Mayor,[45] that the standard for the validity of governmental acts is ‘much more rigorous’ if the liberty involved were freedom of the mind or the person, to wit:

 

….What may be stressed sufficiently is that if the liberty involved were freedom of the mind or the person, the standard for the validity of governmental acts is much more rigorous and exacting, but where the liberty curtailed affects at the most rights of property, the permissible scope of regulatory measure is wider.[46]

 

 

 

VIII. PETITIONERS HAVE STANDING TO ASSAIL THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF R.A. 10175 AND CERTAIN PROVISIONS OF THE RPC.

——————————————————

 

173)     Petitioners as Filipino citizens, taxpayers, as concerned citizens, and as either— journalists, bloggers, or social network netizens— have standing to file the instant suit. In a host of jurisprudence locus standi means a personal and substantial interest in the case such that the party has sustained or will sustain direct injury as a result of the act being challenged.[47] Otherwise stated, a proper party is one who has sustained or is in immediate danger of sustaining an injury as a result of the act complained of.[48]  Thus, for a party to have personal standing, he need only prove, first, injury to his right or interest[49], and second, a “fairly traceable” causal connection between the claimed injury and the challenged conduct.[50]

 

174)     With regard to the first requisite, which requires injury in fact,[51] there is no rigid rule as to what may constitute such injury. It may refer to aesthetic or environmental injury[52] or pertain to a “spiritual stake” in the values of the Constitution,[53] and may be held to exist when the assailed administrative ruling entail future loss of profits.[54]  Indeed, even the mere fact that many people suffer the same injury claimed does not preclude a finding that the requisite standing exists.[55]  As for the second requisite, it is complied with when the Petitioners show that there is a substantial likelihood that the relief requested will redress the claimed injury.[56]   Even if the line of causation between the injury and the conduct is attenuated, the existence of “an identifiable trifle” is sufficient for meeting this requisite.[57]

 

 

175)     Petitioners stand to suffer directly from the “chilling effect” of an unconstitutional imposition as the assailed law, whose provisions on cyber libel are so vague and so overbroad that these can be applied arbitrarily on all users of social media,  Petitioners included.

 

 

176)     In the instant petition, Petitioners assert their  public rights as citizens to be able to freely express their views on the raging issues of the day against the the Constitutionally-infirm portions of R.A. 10175. Thus their standing as citizens is founded on this unassailable constitutional entitlement. As this Honorable Court held in the landmark case of  Francisco, Jr. et al v. House of Representatives:

 

….In fine, when the proceeding involves the assertion of a public right, the mere fact that he is a citizen satisfies the requirement of personal interest.[58]

 

177)     Moreover, the annual appropriations for the implementation of RA 10175, amounting to Fifty million pesos (PhP50,000,000.00) entails the expenditure of public funds. Petitioners therefore raise as well their right as taxpayers to enjoin the implementation of RA 10175 for its unconstitutionality. Public money should not be wasted on a statute that is void.

 

178)     More importantly, the Solicitor General never questioned, in his Comment, the standing of herein Petitioner Alexander Adonis.

 

179)     Hence, as argued above, Petitioners have standing to file the instant suit.

 

PRAYER

 

 

WHEREFORE, premises considered, Petitioners respectfully pray that the Honorable Court GRANT the instant Petition and:

 

(a) DECLARE Articles 353, 354, 355, 361, and 362, of the “Revised Penal Code” to be unconstitutional;

 

(b) DECLARE R.A. 10175, otherwise known as the ”Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012,” to be unconstitutional for infringing against Constitutionally-protected fundamental rights of citizens – that is, of journalists and their audience alike; and

 

(c) PERMANENTLY PROHIBITING Respondents Executive Secretary, the Department of Budget and Management, the Department of Justice, the Department of the Interior and Local Government, the National Bureau of Investigation, the Philippine National Police, and the Information and Communications Technology Office-Department of Science and Technology from implementing the same laws.

 

Other reliefs that are just and equitable under the premises are likewise prayed for.

 

Makati City for Manila. 19 February 2013.

 

 

By the Counsel for Petitioners in G.R. No. 203378:

ROQUE & BUTUYAN LAW OFFICES

1904 Antel 2000 Corporate Center

121 Valero Street, Salcedo Village

Makati City 1200

Email: mail@roquebutuyan.com

Tel. Nos. 887-4445/887-3894; Fax No: 887-3893

 

By:

H. Harry L.  Roque, Jr.

PTR No. 3692462 / Jan 18, 2013/Makati City

IBP No. 499912 / Lifetime/Makati City

Roll No. 36976

         MCLE Exemption No. III-001000

(issued on 26 April 2010)

 

 

ROMEL REGALADO  BAGARES

PTR No. 3692460 / Jan 18, 2013/Makati City

IBP No. 924439/ Jan. 10, 2013/Socsargen

Roll No. 49518

MCLE Compliance No. III-0017855

(issued on 08 July 2010)

 

 

GILBERT TERUEL ANDRES

PTR No. 3692459/ Jan 18, 2013/Makati City

IBP No. 924437/ Jan 10, 2013/ Negros Occ.

Roll No. 56911

MCLE Compliance No. III-0013698

(issued on 22 April 2010)

 

 

         GEEPEE ACERON GONZALES

PTR No. 3692464/Jan. 18, 2013/Makati City

IBP No. 924436 /Jan. 10, 2013/Oriental Mindoro

Roll No. 59686

MCLE Compliance No. IV-0005346

(issued on 28 March 2012)


 

JAMES MARK TERRY L. RIDON
Counsel for Petitioners in Palatino vs. DOJ Secretary
89 K-7 St., Barangay East Kamias, Quezon City.
Roll of Attorneys No. 61374
IBP Receipt No. 892955/4 Jan 2013/Quezon City
PTR No. 6698353/4 Jan 2013/Quezon City
MCLE compliance in the process of completion as counsel was admitted to the Bar only in 2012.

 

 

 

Copy Furnished (by personal service and registered mail):

 

THE OFFICE OF THE SOLICITOR GENERAL

Counsel for Respondents

134 Amorsolo Street, Legaspi Village,

Makati

 

Explanation

(Pursuant to Section 11, Rule 13 of the 1997 Rules of Civil Procedure)

 

This pleading is being, served to Respondents and filed before the Honorable Court, by registered mail in accordance with                 Section 11, Rule 13 of the Revised Rules of Court due to lack of personnel to effect personal service and/or filing, and due to lack of material time.

 

 

GEEPEE ACERON GONZALES

 


[1] Attached as ANNEX B to the Second Amended Petition was a copy of the UNHRC View on Adonis v. The Philippines.

[2]Communication No. 1815/2008.

[3] G.R. No. 148560, Nov. 19, 2001.

[4] G.R. No. 148560, Nov. 19, 2001.

[5] Id.

[6] 381 U.S. 479.

[7] Id.

[8]521 U.S. 844 (1997).

[9]Id. citing Gentile v. State Bar of Nev., 501 U.S. 1030, 1048-1051 (1991), Dombrowski v. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479, 494 (1965), and Denver Area Ed. Telecommunications Consortium, Inc. v. FCC, 518 U. S. (1996).

[10] G.R. No. 118971, Sept. 15, 1999.

[11]G.R. No. 126466,  Jan. 14, 1999.

[12] G.R. No. 118971, Sept. 15, 1999.

[13] Id.

[14]G.R. No. 126466,  Jan. 14, 1999.

[15] Id.

[16]Second Amended Petition.

[17]Second Amended Petition.

[18] G.R. No. 118971, Sept. 15, 1999.

[19]G.R. No. 126466,  Jan. 14, 1999.

[20] G.R. No. 118971, Sept. 15, 1999.

[21]G.R. No. 126466,  Jan. 14, 1999.

[22] G.R. No. 157643, March 28, 2008.

[23]G.R. No. 126466,  Jan. 14, 1999.

[24] G.R. No. 118971, Sept. 15, 1999.

[25]G.R. No. 126466,  Jan. 14, 1999.

[26] G.R. No. 148560, Nov. 19, 2001.

[27] G.R. No. 148560, Nov. 19, 2001.

[28] Connally v. General Construction Co. 269 U.S. 385 (1926).

[29] Please see Smith v. Goguen 415 U.S. 566 (1974).

[30] NAACP v. Alabama, 357 US 449 (1958), 78 S.Ct. 1163, 2L.Ed.2d 1488 (1958).

[31] See attached as ANNEX B.

[32] Communication No. 1815/2008.

 

[33] U.N.G.A., U.N. H.R. Committee, General Comment No. 34: Article 19: Freedoms of opinion and expression, U.N. Doc. No. CCPR/C/GC/34 (Sep. 12, 2011), ¶ 47.

[34]Article 26, Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.

[35]Article VII Section 21, 1987 Constitution.

[36] Pharmaceutical Health Care Association vs. Health Secretary Duque et al., G.R. No. 173034, October 9, 2007.

[37]Mijares vs. Ranada, G.R. No. 139325, April 12, 2005, 455 SCRA 397.

[38]Article 28 of the ICCPR.

[39] ARTICLE II, Section 2 of the 1987 Constitution.

[40]Tanada v. Angara, 338 Phil. 546, 592.

 

[41] G.R. No. 147571, May 5, 2001.

[42] G.R. No. 147571, May 5, 2001.

[43] G.R. No. 127685, July 23, 1998.

[44] G.R. No. 127685, July 23, 1998.

[45]G.R. No. L-24693, July 31, 1967.

[46]G.R. No. L-24693, July 31, 1967.

[47] Tankiko v. Cezar, G.R. No. 131277, February 2, 1999.

[48] Isagani Cruz, Constitutional Law 25 (2000), citing Ex Parte Levitt, 303 US 633.

[49] Tankiko v. Cezar, G.R. No. 131277, February 2, 1999; Cruz, Id.,at 25; Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study Group, 438 US 59 (1978).

[50]Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study Group, 438 US 59 (1978).

[51] Association of Data Processing Service Organizations v. Comp., 397 US 150 (1970) in Ronald Rotunda, Modern Constitutional Law: Cases and Notes 1054  (3rd ed., 1989) [Hereinafter, ROTUNDA].

[52] John E. Nowak and Ronald ROTUNDA, Constitutional Law 78 (4th ed., 1991), citing Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U.S. 727 (1972).[Hereinafter, NOWAK & ROTUNDA].

[53]  Id., at 77

[54] Association of Data Processing Service Organizations v. Comp., 397 US 150 (1970), cited in ROTUNDA, supra note 13,  at 1054

[55] Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U.S. 727 (1972) , cited in  NOWAK AND ROTUNDA, supra note 14, at 78.

[56] Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study Group, 438 US 59 (1978).

[57] ROTUNDA, supra note 6, at 1055, citing U.S. v. SCRAP, 412 U.S. 669 (1973).

[58] Ernesto V. Francisco Jr., et al, v. House of Representatives, GR. No. 160261, Nov. 10, 2003.

China’s snub: lost opportunity to prove its claim to the West Philippine Sea


imagesOnly two hours ago,   the Chinese Foreign Ministry through Ambassador Ma informed Filipino diplomats  that they were rejecting the notice to arbitrate and the statement of claims which the Philippines furnished the Chinese delegation in Manila to arbitrate the legality of the Chinese nine-dash lines under the compulsory and mandatory dispute settlement procedure of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. This means that China will now snub the arbitration and will not participate in the proceedings.

This is truly unfortunate. China has repeatedly maintained that it exercsies” undisputable sovereignty and rights” in the waters within its  nine-dash lines. And yet, it has failed to explain the nature and the basis of its claims. The arbitration would have been the appropriate forum where it can regale the rest of the world with both its legal and factual basis for its claim to title to a greater portion of the west Philippine Sea. With this latest decision, the world is again left to wonder what, if any, China’s legal basis is.

The arbitration under Annex VII of the UNCLOS will of course proceed. The Philippine has appointed a former president of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and still a sitting Judge  in the tribunal, Rüdiger Wolfrum, a German national as its arbitrator for the proceedings. The Chinese snub now makes it incumbent on the current President of the ITLOS, Shunji Yanai, a Japanese national, to complete the five man tribunal. Thereafter, it is expected that the Tribunal will sit as the lone judge of its own competence. It will have to determine whether the issues submitted by the Philippines, to wit: the legality of the nine-dash lines, the status of the waters outside of the 12 nautical miles of the Panatag shoal, and whether low tide elevations currently occupied by China in the disputed Spratlys group of islands form part of the continental shelf of the Philippines.

China;s snub, while regretful, has nonetheless made our task to resolve the West Philippines dispute somehow easier. As in all forms of litigation, an ex-parte submission is always easier than a disputed proceeding.

Published in: on February 19, 2013 at 12:16 pm  Leave a Comment  
Tags: , , , , ,

China Snubs Arbitration


A piece of news from xinhua weibo (facebook) an hour ago. Hong Lei spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of  China said that Ambassador  Ma met  Philippine diplomats   today. He informed the Filipino diplomats tChina is not acceptable to the note and notice about arbitrition from the Philippine side and therefore returned it. Hong also said the relavant note and notice has serious mistakes both in facts and law.

Published in: on February 19, 2013 at 10:14 am  Comments (1)  
Tags: , , ,

China advised not to snub arbitration


Opinio Juris

First Signs that China Is Taking the Philippines Arbitration Seriously?
Posted: 15 Feb 2013 10:35 PM PST
by Julian Ku

As far as I can tell, the Chinese government continues to pretend as if the Philippines’ Law of the Sea arbitration claim doesn’t exist. Articles like this one suggest the Philippines government continues to wait for some official or unofficial Chinese response. The February 22 deadline for China to appoint an arbitrator is fast approaching.

There are obviously bigger things going on in the world, and in East Asia (the North Korea nuclear tests come to mind). But it is worth noting that I ran across, for the first time, an article in the Chinese press discussing the arbitration with sophistication and a very good understanding of the Annex VII process. Published in the journal “瞭望新闻周刊“ or “Outlook Newsweekly”, the article describes the views of an unnamed expert advising the Chinese government not to take the Filipino arbitration claim lightly.

The expert offers a few considerations for the Chinese government. Among other things, the expert notes that the Philippines is using this arbitration to gain support and sympathy from its neighbors (Vietnam is supporting) and its allies (US Secretary of State Kerry and the EU Parliament head support it). The claim also hypes suspicions of China at the United Nations and elsewhere.

More interestingly, the expert further notes that if China does nothing, the arbitration will still continue with the Japanese ITLOS president appointing the rest of the members. (Maybe the expert was reading Opinio Juris!). In any event, the expert advises the Chinese government to appoint an arbitrator and work hard to convince to arbitration tribunal to dismiss for lack of jurisdiction. Moreover, China can at any time during the arbitration work out a settlement agreement with the Philippines. (There is more to the article, but this is the key advice).

So is this is a sign of where the Chinese government is going? It seems unlikely that the musings of an unnamed expert will be very important, but who knows? At the very least, it seems as if there is some thinking on this issue going on in China. The 30 day clock continues to tick. Only six days left!

GMA 7 and AMA reported that 1063 PCOS machines were defective. Why is the COMELEC saying that only 258 broke down? Chairman Brilliantes, whose side are are you on?


Published in: on May 14, 2013 at 3:23 pm  Leave a Comment  

Congrats to my classmate Gov-elect Jun-Jun Davide of Cebu. You made the whole UP Law 1990-C proud! Way to go!


Published in: on May 14, 2013 at 1:48 pm  Comments (2)  

All these defective PCOS machines are unacceptable. We paid BILLIONS to middleman SMARTMATIC to have WORKING machines on election day! NO MORE PCOS IN 2016


Published in: on May 13, 2013 at 8:31 am  Leave a Comment  
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